Political in sentence

22739 examples of Political in a sentence

The problem for the Kingdom is that simply “correcting” the Qatari position cannot change the political trajectory within the region – particularly in Syria and Egypt.

Moreover, Saudi Arabia’s imposition of its preferred policies on the GCC, together with the possibility of sanctions on Qatar, risks jeopardizing all that the GCC (which already has fallen into political decline in the wake of the Arab Spring) has achieved over the past 33 years.

The sudden rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and the UAE resulted not from the attractiveness of Saudi policy, but from their rulers’ shared perception that there is a dearth of political options.

Regional political realities, transnational interaction, and the common search for a better future should, eventually, prevail over policies geared for repression, discipline, and order.

Thus, it is not what one country’s political leaders say, but what they are capable of doing, that should guide other countries’ policy toward it.

Even in a number of European countries with old democratic traditions, a wave of populist, radical political parties opposed to minorities and immigrants has achieved success, sometimes even winning elections.

In Russia's recent parliamentary elections, which were - regardless of various reservations - conducted according to democratic standards, parties advocating political and economic freedom suffered painful defeat, while parties proclaiming hostility to the rule of law and modern pluralist democracy were successful.

With strong and sustained political will and results-oriented policies, India’s government can deliver it.

Across the Gulf, Shia Muslims are waking up to their growing political power, their ability to organize themselves - and the gift that lies literally under their feet.

They have opted for political power under the Sunni minority rather than associating with Iran’s form of government.

This network operates on the basis of political favors, collusion, regulatory capture, and the maintenance of privileges that the government offers in public-sector unions in return for political support.

For too long, government officials have tinkered with Mexico’s economic structure through piecemeal reforms that seek to ensure political stability, but that do not address the key obstacles to greater innovation and competitiveness.

The results have become increasingly obvious and painful: an economy that has suffered more severely in the global crisis than its neighbors to the south; a rent-seeking business elite that is unaccustomed to competition; public and private monopolies that no one seems to have the political will to dismantle; and corporatist pacts that siphon off public resources to unproductive unions, thwarting productivity and growth.

It needs to rethink the fundamentals of an economy and political system in which entrenched interests have become “veto centers” for reform.

Modern political processes and structures are simply not well suited for conducting – much less settling – philosophical disputes.

Likewise, international forums like the G-20 exist precisely to persuade a large number of vastly different countries to set aside philosophical questions for the sake of their shared economic, political, or security interests.

By systemically engaging with the economic issues involved in building a viable international system, experts created a new global economic and political order.

At a time when political processes are stalled on both sides of the Atlantic, the US Federal Reserve and the ECB have been engaging in a series of policy innovations, feeling their way toward a solution that could promote and sustain economic recovery.

The political struggles that this generates will determine whether America will move more closely to the social democratic norm for developed countries, or find some way to accept and rationalize its existence as a country of high economic risk and deep divisions of income and wealth.

Some saw this as a simple acknowledgement of reality, but in fact it was a momentous step that required diplomatic skill and political courage.

From a political point of view, there was the famed Taiwan lobby, one of the most powerful in the US, still dominated by the conservative wing of American politics.&

Equally serious, it contributes to shocking levels of income inequality, with a few households not only enjoying massive wealth, but also wielding considerable political influence.

Today’s crises, one hopes, could be turned into a similar moment of political creativity.

Hamilton turned America’s financial wreckage of the 1780’s into prosperity and political coherence in the 1790’s.

But not only has Obama abandoned Doha; he has also seriously endangered the multilateral trading system by diverting US efforts and resources to discriminatory bilateral trade deals and, most recently, to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which will principally aid countries that are worried about an aggressive China and seek political security rather than increased trade.

But, while the prolonged killing may indeed be reminiscent, the political and diplomatic effort that finally ended the war in Bosnia is hardly in evidence today.

In Syria, the only diplomatic process is in the hands of the courageous, if beleaguered, former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who has understood – better than many analysts of this latest international outrage – that any lasting political settlement must not be a triumph of one side or the other.

What is really needed are serious and sustained negotiations among interested international powers (let’s call them a “contact group”) on a viable political outcome.

So when Kim Jong-il passes from the scene, and political instability meets economic blight, the regime could fall apart.

While the US has a very different political feedback loop, accountability also matters.

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