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Political in sentence

22739 examples of Political in a sentence

Second, the violence has strengthened the political process, with one-time IRA leaders standing shoulder to shoulder with the police to condemn the murders.
This means that, in political and economic terms, we are entering an East and Southeast Asian century.
Indeed, political modernization faces massive opposition from the Chinese Communist Party, which has no interest in surrendering its monopoly of power.
Moreover, the transition to a pluralist system that channels, rather than suppresses, political conflict would indeed be risky, though the risk will grow the longer one-party rule (and the endemic corruption that accompanies it) persists.
The Soviet Union wasn’t ideologically anti-Western, because Communism and Socialism were Western inventions, but it was anti-Western in political terms.
By contrast, the United States’ economic and political model, and that of the West, with its individual rights and open society, proved to be its sharpest weapon in the Cold War.
But the decisive question of political modernization remains unanswered.
The contribution of Asia – and of China, in particular – to the development of this universal set of values is not yet foreseeable, but it will surely come if the “fifth modernization” leads to China’s political transformation.
Iraq is a Shiite-majority country, but Saddam’s political apparatus was dominated by Sunnis, many of whom had acquired deep religious convictions during a period of Islamization in the 1990s.
Moreover, the next government will have to reach out to Iraq’s independence-minded Kurds and find a satisfactory way to integrate them into the political process.
As was true of European fascism in the 1920s and 1930s, it is not easy to find much ideological coherence in these various political strands, let alone in Bannon’s Movement.
The new asset class would need its own standardized risk/return profile, accounting, for example, for the political risks that public-sector involvement may imply and for the lower returns from infrastructure relative to traditional private equity.
Rather than standing exclusively with the old elites or the new populists, Macron has promised to rally broad political support under the banner of European reform.
To bring true change, Macron will have to transcend the two contradictory but mutually reinforcing political models that have defined the last decade of EU governance: technocracy and populism.
Jean Monnet, the French economist who is considered one of the modern EU’s founders, was renowned for his ability to turn big political conflicts into smaller technical issues.
Through referenda – their favorite political tool – they have been able to inflict damage to the EU constitutional treaty, the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, refugee-repatriation deals, and, with the UK’s Brexit vote, the composition of the EU itself.
But for a long-gridlocked EU, Macron’s proposed grand bargains could offer a valuable way forward – one that relies not on institutional changes, but on political trade-offs.
America’s media and political junkies are consumed by the various possibilities.
The political difficulties inherent in such a scheme would no doubt make agreement difficult.
This perfect political storm has caused France’s two-party system to fragment into a four-party arrangement and has all but knocked the favorites out of the running, while leaving Le Pen largely unscathed.
The reasons for Le Pen’s rise have as much to do with her reinvention of the National Front as with the external political environment.
To this end, he is seeking to build a new political elite to serve in a National Front government and help overcome resistance to the party’s agenda from France’s “deep state.”
Unfortunately, because Obama himself has established a history of making concessions in the face of congressional brinkmanship, the debt-ceiling debate has morphed into more than just a short-term political fight.
Of course, a breakdown in political civility would hardly make the US unique; all too many countries suffer some degree of political dysfunction.
But, above all, they need to leave a legacy of civil political decision-making.
It is difficult to imagine Israel’s leadership changing course at this stage, and it is probably too late for the Obama administration to escape from the domestic political vice in which it seems pinned on this issue.
Russia’s somewhat archaic political culture overly personifies power.
However, the existence of real political opposition creates a different atmosphere, which spreads beyond elections.
While we are all working to assist in finding an Afghan-led political solution to this conflict, the fighting is not going to stop immediately.
If the Taliban want to find a legitimate place in Afghan society and political life, stopping the assassinations and use of illegal pressure-plate IEDs would send a powerful message.
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