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Political in sentence

22739 examples of Political in a sentence

Race relations in the US have been for decades - and remain - at the center of political debate, to the point that racial cleavages are as important as income, if not more, as determinants of political preferences and attitudes.
This is precisely what a large amount of research in economics, sociology, psychology and political science has done for the US.
The arguments for low interest rates seem to me to require a degree of government competence that is unlikely, given political parties' current positions and the existing structure of the institutions that make fiscal policy.
Sri Lanka’s Chinese ElectionNEW DELHI – Sri Lanka’s parliamentary election this month promises to shape not only the country’s political future, but also geopolitics in the wider Indian Ocean region, a global center of trade and energy flows that accounts for half of the world’s container traffic and 70% of its petroleum shipments.
It should be noted that, even if Rajapaksa does not become prime minister, he is likely to win a seat in Parliament, providing him with the influence and political standing he needs to lead his SLFP faction more openly.
But the shared interests of Europe’s citizens lack adequate political representation – a failing that contributed to the current crisis.
But Hamilton’s ideas are incomplete without Madison’s examination of how political representation should be structured in order to facilitate economic integration.
First, if institutions are structured in the right way, political representatives can articulate programs and policies that, as Madison put it, “refine and enlarge public views.”
An effective system of representation, Madison argued, would create support for political projects that would render compatible these actors’ divergent, and potentially conflicting, interests.
This European polity lacks the second crucial element of Madison’s scheme: diversified political representation at the federal level.
But, while common European causes arise daily, they have no Europe-wide political representation.
No single political party or politician in Brussels can claim to represent European citizens’ associated interests, because none has had to compete for Europe-wide public support.
As the eurozone crisis worsens, they are increasingly driven by domestic political pressures, and their motivation to accommodate common European interests diminishes.
To understand this polity’s absurdity, consider how American political elites would act under Europe’s current system of representation.
But they still have to fight for re-election at home, where political parties that portray citizens of Arizona or Mississippi as lazy rent-seekers are gaining traction.
With a heavy and stifling bureaucracy and the prospect of a dynastic political succession, sheer lack of hope drove hundreds of thousands of Egyptians onto the streets.
They also adopt a liberal attitude toward women’s head covering, as well as their political participation and travel, which should be determined individually.
The reason is not that the periphery offers an attractive labor force from which capital profits, but rather that the core – especially the United States – offers a form of protection for capital against unanticipated political disturbances.
They seem to think of the powers in the region as unconnected islands, and of their own behavior towards one as devoid of political consequence for the others.
When the European Union last year considered lifting its symbolic arms embargo against China, none of the governments driving the proposal bothered to consider that this, too, would be symbolic, sending a message all over Asia that Europe was putting its political weight behind Chinese regional policies.
Far from endorsing Japanese lack of sensitivity, active Western political engagement – for its own credibility in Asia – must convey that Japan’s future depends on gaining the trust of the region.
After all, Japan was a political ally throughout the half-century of the Cold War.
Would such a fundamental Europe-wide political shift – much like the one in France that brought Macron to power last year – actually come to pass?
But, over time, this has produced a kind of political homogenization in Europe, leading to mass abstentionism.
Overall, populist forces could well secure a majority in the European Parliament, though they will not operate as a unified force under a single political banner.
In such a scenario, Macron would need to build political coalitions with either the EPP or the S&D, whose views largely align with his vision for EU – and, more important, eurozone – reform.
In fact, like the rule of law, eurozone reform is a key fault line along which political alliances will be established.
Perhaps Europe’s ongoing political realignment will enable the realization of Macron’s vision of a stronger, more integrated Europe.
And on issues of war and peace, Trump will operate with terrifyingly little oversight by Congress or the public, an affliction of the US political system since World War II.
Trump is likely to ignore or fight the subpoenas, setting the stage for a major political crisis.
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