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Political in sentence

22739 examples of Political in a sentence

But governments have good reason to argue that, as far as reforms are concerned, policymaking requires precision and political realism, which outside advice often lacks.
Since the quantities of greenhouse gases emitted thus far will raise temperatures by 1.5 degrees Celsius compared with pre-industrial times, major political decisions are needed to ensure compliance with the two-degree target.
So the political prospects for the Asian economic miracle remain cloudy.
In addition to markets, society needs institutions to serve such social goals as political freedom and social justice.
They operate in a political setting, and they evolve in a reflexive fashion.
It can not define how the economic, political, social, and other spheres should be separated from and reconciled with one other.
These countries’ need to establish policy credibility tends to be more acute, whether as a result of histories of high inflation, an absence of credible institutions, or political pressure to monetize budget deficits.
Increasingly, political leaders like British Prime Minister David Cameron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who spoke eloquently for the Round at the World Economic Forum in Davos this year, are emphasizing that the Doha Round’s failure would cost the world significant gains in prosperity, halt progress for the poor in developing countries, and reduce workers’ real incomes in developed countries.
Europe’s Foreign-Policy ResilienceRIGA – For decades, people have bemoaned the waning of Europe’s global political power.
When Politics Trumps EconomicsNEW HAVEN – With each passing day, it becomes increasingly evident that US President Donald Trump’s administration cares less about economics and more about the aggressive exercise of political power.
So what Trump is doing is not about economics – or at least not about economics as most academics, political leaders, and citizens know it.
Political opponents and disaffected people, many of them young and with few prospects of finding jobs, took to the streets.
In response, the Communists blamed the violence on the opposition political parties, which it called “fascists,” and on Romania and Romanian irredentists in Moldova.
In the long run, the US and EU should support civil society organizations in pressing Moldova’s government to guarantee more equitable distribution of television time, to stop police harassment of opposition political leaders and workers as well as journalists, to reform the police and end the ruling party’s abuse of state institutions, and to allow all political parties more opportunity to inspect election rolls and monitor polling stations.
And just about the last thing the EU needs is an influx of hundreds of thousands of migrants fleeing poverty, political repression, and despair in Moldova and other countries of the former Soviet Union.
But, to meet the target, we must ensure that it is not treated as a political and economic impossibility, either.
This bit of statistical legerdemain reflects the political sensitivity of Europe’s current-account imbalances, which stems from eurozone members’ inability to rely on the exchange rate to restore equilibrium.
And, of course, the political sensitivity of Europe’s imbalances consists precisely in telling deficit countries that they must accept enduring hard times while surplus countries are required merely to save a little less.
And, given the political considerations driving the EU’s approach to the issue, the adjustment process will be anything but rapid and smooth.
The recent capital-spending boom produced a burst of speculative lending in 2003 and 2004 because the banking system was still state-owned and responsive to political pressure—until the government itself imposed credit controls in April 2004 to prevent a sharp upsurge in non-performing loans.
They will be less vulnerable to political pressure from local governments to finance development projects.
In the future, China will have to rely more heavily on interest rates to manage monetary policy, using the price of capital, not political considerations, to influence how firms make investment decisions.
As a result, Egypt’s power struggle will continue, with the junta no longer battling those in Tahrir Square, but political Islam.
The secular liberal forces’ political fragmentation and lack of organization cost them dearly in the parliamentary elections six months ago, and, in the second round of the presidential election, a majority of Egyptians chose Morsi over a restoration of the old regime.
In either scenario, Morsi has little room to maneuver in a country that, for the time being, is in political limbo – with neither a constitution nor a parliament – and whose people want tangible results in terms of good governance, institutional consolidation, and improvements to a tottering economy.
For the Muslim Brotherhood, this scenario constitutes a serious challenge, one that can be overcome only by finding an adequate balance between SCAF, with its overweening power, and Egypt’s liberal political forces – which won a combined 11 million votes, five million more than Morsi, in the presidential election’s first round.
How will Israel address intensifying global opposition to the de facto apartheid regime implied by denying Palestinians throughout Israel and Palestine the same political rights as Israeli Jews?
Now that the Palestinians have more proof, they are likely to change their own political tack, focusing their attention on the apartheid-like conditions that now prevail.
The two-state solution is dead, and Israel’s acknowledgement of this will reinvigorate the struggle for Palestinian political rights in a single state.
Likewise, the US worries that China may use the AIIB to advance China’s economic and political interests.
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