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Policymakers in sentence

3364 examples of Policymakers in a sentence

Whatever many American policymakers may be saying in private, their public discourse almost invariably reflects an intention to remain the world’s dominant power – and specifically in Asia – in perpetuity.
Any transition to peace may well prove ephemeral unless policymakers make political reconciliation and integration – not optimal economic policies – the bedrock priority.
For one thing, there are deep differences between the economic philosophies of policymakers in France and Germany.
If, as I believe, US policymakers genuinely want to strengthen the economy, they are in a good position to do so, benefiting not just the stock market, but ordinary Americans as well.
Indeed, in an unpredictable world, where old threats are compounded by new challenges, policymakers cannot disregard hard power.
But for policymakers who accept that there is little downside and significant upside for most people in developed countries to reduce their meat intake, there are plenty of cost-effective solutions to nudge us in that direction.
Still, just like the fossil-fuel industry, meat industry advocates have pushed policymakers to block the mainstreaming of alternatives.
But if they are due to speculation, then policymakers speculators must act to rein in behavior that has imposed huge and needless costs on the global economy.
Policymakers must weigh the risks of volatility, exchange-rate pressures, and vulnerability to sudden reversals in capital flows against the benefits of wider access to credit and enhanced competition.
Policymakers in countries where a carbon price is imminent – including China, South Korea, and Mexico – are interested in Australia’s model.
The US economy, on the other hand, is bogging down in its policymakers’ persistent emphasis on consumption and tax cuts (most notably for the super-rich) over investment.
Moreover, policymakers in the rich world believe that they can continue to neglect the developing world, or leave it to its fate in global markets.
Policymakers must understand that the eurozone has turned into a straightjacket: tight budgets restrict growth in the peripheral countries that need it the most.
If policymakers implement a more comprehensive response, they can put their economies on a more stable and prosperous path – one of high inclusive growth, declining inequality, and genuine financial stability.
But in the coming months, as policymakers face intensifying financial volatility, we will see some clues concerning how things will play out.
Europe’s rolling crisis has shredded trust in the competence and motives of policymakers, who failed to prevent it, have so far failed to resolve it, and bailed out banks and their creditors while inflicting pain on voters (but not on themselves).
At Merkel’s behest and with the complicity of the ECB, which waited until July 2012 to quell a bond-market panic sparked by eurozone policymakers’ mistakes, the Commission also imposed eurozone-wide austerity, causing a cumulative loss of nearly 10% of GDP in 2011-13, according to the Commission’s own economic model.
Then there is the question of how emerging-market policymakers respond to the turbulence: Will they raise rates to stem inflationary depreciation and capital outflows, or will they cut rates to boost flagging GDP growth, thus increasing the risk of inflation and of a sudden capital-flow reversal?
If the euro – and indeed the EU itself – is to remain viable and democratic at the same time, policymakers will have to pay closer attention to the demanding requirements of delegating decisions to unelected bodies.
Policymakers have oversimplified the challenge by focusing on the growing prevalence of NCDs – the sheer number of people with these diseases – which, I argue, is not really the problem.
Thus, to maximize the economic and social benefits of government investment in sports, policymakers need more information.
The question facing European policymakers is how to close this gap.
European policymakers should also guarantee non-discriminatory wholesale access to communications networks, and that consumers and businesses have a range of choices for telecommunications and online services.
Rather, it seeks to provide policymakers with benchmarks that can serve as a starting point for discussion of beneficial reforms.
By limiting the total number of indicators studied and producing clear benchmarks, it helps policymakers to define their objectives and to improve the efficiency of regulation in crucial areas.
The project has been a rare World Bank success, recording almost 2,000 reforms over the past decade, and has proved to be a valuable tool for policymakers in developing economies to spur reform and enhance investment.
If the project is eliminated, European policymakers will be denied important information that could help to guide discussions about enhancing competitiveness.
Moreover, they did that having started from a position in 1933 that was incomparably worse than what US policymakers faced in late 2009.
For example, Fed policymakers, with a few honorable exceptions, still insist that they did the best they could, considering the fiscal headwinds at the time.
Likewise, Obama administration policymakers still pat themselves on the back for preventing a second Great Depression, and say they did the best they could, given recalcitrant Republican congressional majorities after the 2010 midterm elections.
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