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Policies in sentence

9025 examples of Policies in a sentence

But populist calls for nationalist policies, including trade protectionism, have intensified those headwinds considerably.
There are four potential combinations of outcomes for countries: (1) good governance and good economic policies; (2) good politics and bad economics; (3) bad politics and good economics; and (4) bad politics and bad economics.
Just as we have no global tax mechanism to ensure the provision of global public goods, we have no global monetary or welfare policies to maintain price stability and social peace.
Populists will promise anything, including policies that are untenable or that will lead to certain disaster.
Trump’s proposed policies are no different: They would undermine America’s security, depress its economy, and destroy the financial system.
The Social Democrats returned to power in 1994, but they accepted Bildt’s new fiscal policies, and even carried out a revolutionary pension reform in 1998 that properly tied benefits to payments.
Put another way, for each person saved from malaria by cutting CO2 emissions, direct malaria policies could have saved 36,000.
But, for every problem that global warming will exacerbate – hurricanes, hunger, flooding – we could achieve tremendously more through cheaper, direct policies today.
In Haiti, which lacks such policies, 2,000 died.
Labor rules that favor job creation – what Scandinavian countries call active labor-market policies – are needed: a combination of information, training, and subsidies that help overcome what are typically serious failures in the market for young workers with limited skills and experience.
Third, while ECB policies keep borrowing costs lower, private and public debt in the periphery countries, as a share of GDP, is high and still rising, because the denominator of the debt ratio – nominal GDP – is barely increasing.
If the eurozone unemployment rate is still too high by the end of 2016, annual inflation remains well below the ECB’s 2% target, and fiscal policies and structural reforms exert a short-term drag on economic growth, the only game in town may be continued quantitative easing.
But the ongoing weakness of the euro – fed by such policies – is fueling growth in the eurozone’s current-account surplus.
Germany and the eurozone core were already running large surpluses; in the absence of policies to boost domestic demand, those surpluses have simply risen further.
To avoid this outcome, Germany needs to adopt policies – fiscal stimulus, higher spending on infrastructure and public investment, and more rapid wage growth – that would boost domestic spending and reduce the country’s external surplus.
But new trade policies must be based on a clear-eyed understanding of how globalization is evolving, not on a backward-looking vision based on the last 30 years.
That will require policies that help them take advantage of new global market opportunities.
Effective responses will require policies that help people adapt to the present and take advantage of future opportunities in the next phase of digital globalization.
The reason, I think, that American presidents are so willing to reappoint Fed chairmen from the opposite party is closely linked to one of the two things that a president seeks: the confidence of financial markets that the Fed will pursue non-inflationary policies.
In fact, such templates now extend beyond conventional trade issues (for example, agricultural protection) to vast numbers of areas unrelated to trade, including labor standards, environmental rules, policies on expropriation, and the ability to impose capital-account controls in financial crises.
As long as policies and institutions to do this were in place, Keynes argued, risk could be let to look after itself.
Those who advocate both democracy and security-sector reform must show consistent unity of purpose, build societal consensus and political coalitions for their programs, and formulate coherent, sustainable policies.
Such policies have hit the Moscow Helsinki Group hard, because it was forced to choose losing much of its funding and, in turn, its staff.
They could also be allowed to implement their own policies on refugees and migration.
And, like many of them, China is now facing a “middle-income trap”: as wages rise, its low-end manufacturing is losing global competitiveness while government policies, endemic corruption, and dominant state-owned enterprises are stifling the type of private-sector innovation that China needs most to generate products and services with higher added value.
Some of the world’s top economists – including four Nobel laureates – answered this question at the Copenhagen Consensus in 2004, listing all major policies for improving the world according to priority.
As most countries have started making serious investments in renewable energy, and many are implementing carbon prices and regulations, critics complain that such policies may undermine growth.
Some low-carbon policies have clearly been expensive, while other, apparently cost-effective options, have not been pursued at all.
Recognizing the inadequacy of Japan’s existing national-security policies and laws to protect the country in this new context, the government has established a national security council and moved to “normalize” its security posture.
They have responded with draconian policies that mirror the simplistic message of a drug-free society espoused by UN drug treaties and the institutions that seek to enforce them.
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