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Party in sentence

4991 examples of Party in a sentence

The decline of India’s Congress party reduced the influence of the political force most associated with maintaining distance from the US.
Supporting closer ties with India has become a rare example of bipartisan US foreign policy, and it can be expected to continue regardless of which party controls the White House or Congress after this November’s elections.
And they must still ensure that close ties with the US are not simply the policy of one prime minister or party.
This means getting the Congress party fully on board and overcoming the resistance of career officials to new ways of thinking and acting.
(Stalin once complained that establishing party rule there was like putting a saddle on a cow.)
Finally, the leadership has created new party institutions, answerable directly to top officials, to ensure that all changes are implemented as planned.
But early signals suggest that if trouble develops, the party will choose a crackdown over concessions, and there is no guarantee that party unity will hold in such a scenario.
In the UK, where older, alienated working- and middle-class voters (mainly in England) pushed through Brexit, the new prime minister, Theresa May, is fighting to hold her party together.
The United States is gripped by the most bizarre presidential primary campaign in living memory, with populist outsiders threatening to topple established party machines.
An all-or-nothing situation is driving citizens increasingly to view politics in terms that the German legal philosopher (and Nazi party member) Carl Schmitt considered inevitable: the distinction between friend and enemy – between those for whom one is ultimately willing to die and those whom one is ultimately willing to kill.
Voters in the Turkish Cypriot north rejected the party of their leader, Mehmet Ali Talat, who has been meeting almost weekly for eight months with his Greek Cypriot counterpart, Demetris Christofias, to work out the terms of a settlement to reunify the island.
Bannon sees this effort as part of a “war” between populism and “the party of Davos,” between the white, Christian, patriotic “real people” (in the words of his British supporter, Nigel Farage) and the cosmopolitan globalist elites.
To this end, he is seeking to build a new political elite to serve in a National Front government and help overcome resistance to the party’s agenda from France’s “deep state.”
WASHINGTON, DC – A year ago, Emmanuel Macron’s decisive victory in the French presidential election, and his party’s subsequent success in legislative elections, caused many to breathe a sigh of relief.
Having never held elected office, Macron created a new party centered on himself, with support from both center-left and center-right voters.
These discussions – and thus the European Parliament that emerges next year – are unlikely to adhere to standard party lines.
After all, sticking to traditional political groupings is highly difficult nowadays, as exemplified by Macron’s party – La République En Marche !
Macron has put out feelers for a pan-European party.
In France, for example, Macron’s party could absorb the center-right Les Republicains, or it could shift further to the left, with a social solidarity program to accompany the liberal market measures it has already taken.
The question is whether the party’s leaders think they can secure a simultaneous victory against Les Republicains and the center-left Socialists.
The LDP’s need for three different prime ministers in the space of little more than a year made plain that the party’s power nucleus had melted down.
The DPJ government will collide head-on with the mandarins, partly because the party will find it hard to recruit sufficiently qualified policymakers.
Unable to pay off its constituencies, disintegration looms, for the LDP has never been a party with entrenched grass-roots support, but instead operates as a machine of power and redistribution through a web of insiders across the country’s industrial sectors, occupational associations, and local communities.
The DPJ has even weaker grass-roots support, so the mandarins will most likely use their standard techniques of divide and rule to cajole the party by teaching it to mimic the LDP in using state money and contracts to underwrite its major constituencies, such as labor unions and other interest groups.
One remembers Hitler, who, while his own party did not quite get 50% of the vote, could base his “seizure of power” on a parliamentary majority.
In 2009, it is still the first force in the new parliament, with 267 deputies out of a total of 736: the decrease in its membership is also due to the stated commitment of the British Conservatives and the Czech right party to defect from the EPP to create their own party, with a stronger right-wing line.
The European socialist party (ESP), which held 215 deputies in the old parliament, secured only 160 seats.
In France, Jean-Marie Le Pen’s party has been substantially weakened, but in the Netherlands, the anti–Islam party led by Geert Wilders won 17% of the votes, and in Austria, Denmark, Hungary, Slovakia, and even in the UK the far right did better than expected.
She can sing the praises of John Kerry, whom her party has just nominated in an effort to deny George W. Bush a second term.
For example, those who are partly self-employed and partly employed by a third party would have to be better incorporated into social policies.
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