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Parties in sentence

3799 examples of Parties in a sentence

The answer is almost obvious: either the government will collapse, or it will seek to poach supporters from opposition parties.
Lawmakers in both parties have teamed up to introduce a variety of bills that would encourage and fund pay-for-success projects.
It would be benefit all parties to start another motor.
By examining the voting patterns of people in individual regions of Slovakia in the 1918-1939 and 1990-1998 periods, the Slovak sociologist Vladimir Krivy revealed that municipalities and regions that inclined towards liberal parties in the inter-war period continued to be so disposed when freedom was restored after 1989-1998.
In other municipalities and regions the majority continued to support authoritarian parties and reject classic liberal principles, under both liberal and illiberal regimes.
But both parties are generally interested in supporting free trade, along responsible lines – and recognize legitimate concerns.
As their number grows, traditional political parties are fading into irrelevance, supplanted by the emergence of two new political blocs.
He repeatedly spoke of building a robust civil society, arguing that political parties will degenerate into sects if they are closed to influence from below.
He emphasized that a democratic system cannot be based only on institutions and mechanisms, such as the checks and balances between the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary; democracy needs more than political parties and free elections.
Others accused him of pursuing "non-political politics"- a concept of democracy whose protagonists wish to do away with political parties entirely and replace them with the more nebulous and perhaps more easily manipulated "civil society."
The consequences extended beyond economics and finance, straining regional political arrangements, amplifying national political dysfunction, and fueling the rise of anti-establishment parties and movements.
Only 43% of Europeans bothered to vote – and many of them deserted establishment parties, often for anti-EU extremists.
Indeed, the official results understate the extent of popular dissatisfaction; many who stuck with traditional parties did so reluctantly, faute de mieux.
The crisis has lasted so long that most governing parties (and technocrats) have been found wanting.
Is it really any wonder that popular support for the governing parties that complied with this diktat plunged from 69% in the 2009 European Parliament election to 31% in 2014, that a far-left coalition demanding debt justice topped the poll, or that the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party finished third?
Support for compliant establishment parties duly collapsed – from 81% in 2009 to 49% in 2014 in Spain.
Fortunately, memories of fascist dictatorship may have inoculated Spain and Portugal against the far-right virus, with left-wing anti-austerity parties and regionalists benefiting instead.
The low turnout and weakening of mainstream parties gives the European Council – national leaders of the EU’s member states – a pretext to continue cutting deals in smoke-free rooms.
But with a concerted effort from all relevant parties – especially the media, civil society, and human-rights activists – plus the support of regional and international actors, it is possible.
All three of Somaliland’s parties contesting the forthcoming election are adamant about wanting recognition of the region’s independence, which was confirmed overwhelmingly by a referendum in 2001.
Then, the parties directly involved in the conflict were brought in to reach agreement within the framework.
Roughly three-quarters of them fled after the Soviet invasion in 1979, with smaller numbers escaping the rule of pro-Soviet president Najibullah or the subsequent 1992-1996 civil war between the various mujahideen parties and then the rule of the Taliban.
Opposition candidates and parties were denied registration for the slightest formal complaint.
Yet it would be foolish to believe that a country where anti-system parties won 55% of the popular vote will continue to behave as if nothing had happened.
Both parties want to relax the European fiscal straitjacket, though in different ways.
All political parties have clienteles to take care of, and the insurgents are no exception.
One reason for this is that there are barely any national parties.
Where parties are weak, there can be no party discipline.
It would also weaken the security, foreign policy, and international standing of both parties.
Many countries have political movements and parties – some stronger than others – that are seeking to “recover” elements of sovereignty, to the detriment of common action.
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