Example collocations logo

Parties in sentence

3799 examples of Parties in a sentence

Moreover, the EU should contemplate centralizing the purchase of energy from third parties, as proposed by Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk.
Instead, Bhutto had to pay with her life for courageously challenging extremists of all stripes – from Al-Qaeda and Taliban to the country’s religious political parties and military hardliners.
Lt. Gen. Hamid Gul, the former Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief, confirmed that he sponsored an alliance of right-wing political parties to stop her from getting a parliamentary majority.
Europe's political systems are being shaken by the rise of populist parties, many of which are winning support with an anti-European platform.
In a democracy, this tends to occur through the fragmentation of traditional parties and the emergence of non-traditional parties – some offering genuine alternatives, and others relying on fear and prejudice.
Of course, political parties always had their “talent scouts” on the lookout for individuals with exceptional leadership potential.
Most of the previous amendments relied on agreements between governing and opposition parties, and were not put to a popular vote.
With another general election due next year, civil-society groups preferred that priority be given to lowering the 10% electoral threshold for parties to enter parliament, thus broadening political participation.
Indeed, the AKP insisted on submitting the entire package to a single “yes/no” vote, despite repeated calls from civil-society groups and opposition parties to allow for votes on each amendment separately.
It is surprising how readily politicians of all parties – even strong ideological defenders of the unregulated market – accepted the idea that the state should bail out banks and insurance companies when they got into trouble.
Political parties in France, Switzerland, and the Netherlands (to name a few) have run successful campaigns that scapegoat immigrants.
Indeed, throughout the region, warring parties are relying on sectarian identity politics to mobilize support, further polarizing populations along religious, ethnic, and ideological lines.
Anecdotal evidence shows that many of the parties in the various conflicts are using children to fight their wars.
It has long been suspected that the Croat electorate was more daring than the opposition parties.
Both parties are successors to the Catholic German Center Party, which fought against Protestant predominance in Prussia and Bismarck’s Reich.
With the backing of Catholic majorities in western and southern Germany, the CDU and the CSU have been the traditional governing parties in the post-war German Federal Republic since the days of Konrad Adenauer.
Loud grumbling over the protestant ascendancy can be expected within both parties.
True, popular support for her coalition partners, the Free Democrats (FDP), has plummeted to 2%; but the CDU/CSU are still clearly leading the Social Democrats (SPD, the largest opposition party), and the left is fragmented into four parties, two of which are not government material.
Quite simply, the FDP ditched her and changed sides on a critical issue, aligning itself with the main opposition parties in supporting Gauck.
The trust between the governing parties is gone.
Both political parties serve their rich campaign contributors, while proclaiming that they defend the middle class.
What passes for American political debate is a contest between the parties to give bigger promises to the middle class, mainly in the form of budget-busting tax cuts at a time when the fiscal deficit is already more than 10% of GDP.
The big campaign contributors to both parties pay to ensure that their vested interests dominate political debates.
That means that both parties increasingly defend the interests of the rich, though Republicans do so slightly more than Democrats.
And a mechanism to authorize the new deal – such as a grand coalition actually empowered by elections (not just reluctant support by major parties for technocratic leaders like Italy’s Mario Monti) – is essential.
Voters were unable to choose between the incumbent and the opposition, because the same centrist parties were in office all the time.
Under the new electoral rules, seats are allotted to parties in proportion to votes, but a special provision induces parties to forge pre-electoral agreements: the pre-electoral coalition that wins the most votes receives a seat premium that ensures a comfortable majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the lower house).
Prodi’s left-wing l’Unione coalition comprises a hodge-podge of parties spread all over the political spectrum, ranging from staunch communists to former liberals (with communists stronger than in the previous election).
Under the new electoral system, all of these parties will be competing with each other for the same votes, and each one will seek to protect its own constituency or claim credit for whatever is accomplished.
But the left-wing parties that support him have already announced that they will block the constitutional reform, which they opposed for other reasons.
BackNext