Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
During the second
Palestinian
Intifada, which erupted in 2000, Hamas used its weapons and explosives to attack Israelis and create their own small protectorate.
Gaza’s history, and evaporating support for Hamas there, suggest that integrating Gazans into mainstream
Palestinian
life would not be difficult.
An academic by profession, Abbas has tried mightily to lead the
Palestinian
people with civility, adherence to democratic principles, and public disdain for violence.
Palestinian
rivals, both from his own Fatah party and from the Islamists of Hamas, as well as the Israelis, perceived Abbas’s civility as weakness.
But, unlike Oslo, when Abbas was working under Arafat and able to project power from that base, as
Palestinian
president he was both negotiator and supposedly the center of power.
And, while he was technically the commander-in-chief of the
Palestinian
forces, these forces lacked the will to stand up to Hamas’s growing power.
Ironically, the Israelis and the world community, which had basically frozen
Palestinian
finances, wanted Abbas to continue to control the security forces, despite Fatah’s loss in the parliamentary elections.
Israel and the US led a virtual blockade on Palestine, with Israel refusing to return collected taxes and the US pressing world banks not to recognize the signature of the
Palestinian
finance minister.
Otherwise, Abbas will be left with no alternative but to follow the advice of a leading
Palestinian
professor, Ali Jirbawi, who suggested simply that Abbas should dissolve the
Palestinian
Authority and return power to the Israelis, who remain legally and practically responsible for the areas they occupied in 1967.
Until Al Jazeera’s mostly BBC-trained journalists arrived on the scene, the average Arab citizen’s news television diet was nothing more than protocol news, wire service video reflecting the latest in the
Palestinian
conflict, and dramatic photos of earthquakes or wild fires.
The
Palestinian
intifada, the terrorist attacks against New York and Washington in September 2001, and the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq propelled Al Jazeera to global influence.
Last but not least, in Britain, the Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn has become a catchall protest party, and is now the political home for
Palestinian
Solidarity Campaign (PSC) activists, even though there are only 20,000 Palestinians in Britain.
The majority of American Jews even support the creation of a
Palestinian
state.
The Saudis have financial leverage over Fatah, the ruling
Palestinian
party in the West Bank, and they are open to marginalizing Hamas, the Islamist militia that rules in Gaza.
This approach would enable a fair and lasting resolution of the
Palestinian
issue, which profoundly offends people’s sense of justice and causes instability and extremism, while eliminating tensions arising from the threat perceptions of Iran and other countries in the region.
The people gather there, in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood, to protest the eviction of
Palestinian
families from their homes to make way for Israeli settlers.
These evictions are humiliating, sometimes violent, and frightening to other
Palestinian
families – who are in danger of losing their homes as well.
Other
Palestinian
neighborhoods in Jerusalem are cut off from the rest of the city by Israel’s so-called “security wall,” which means that their inhabitants do not receive proper municipal services, despite being obliged to pay city taxes.
Things are even worse in
Palestinian
towns farther afield, such as Hebron, where Israeli settlers often behave like Wild West gunslingers, flouting the laws of their own country as they drive away Palestinians by cutting down their trees, poisoning their livestock, and subjecting them to other forms of torment, including fatal shootings, which have gone unpunished.
When American diplomats complained about Jewish settlers’ forcible intrusion into
Palestinian
neighborhoods, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu responded that Jerusalem was not a settlement, but the capital of Israel.
This implies that Jews can push farther and farther into East Jerusalem, as well as build settlements on
Palestinian
territories around the city, which Israel now claims to be part of Jerusalem.
At least one
Palestinian
gentleman thought not.
If so, a way out of the seemingly irresolvable conflict between Israeli security and
Palestinian
statehood would open.
On this new and permanent basis, they may find a solution for the
Palestinian
refugees and advance the cause of reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas.
Israel would have a guarantee that its security would not be endangered by a final-status agreement and the establishment of a
Palestinian
state, and that its withdrawal from the
Palestinian
territories would be gradual, over several years, and monitored on the ground by a third party.
It could if it ushered in a
Palestinian
national unity government and an agreement to an extended truce backed by a strong international military presence.
A failure to take
Palestinian
domestic factors sufficiently into account is the root cause for pessimism.
The need to involve all
Palestinian
forces in any future peace negotiations is one of the key points of consensus that emerged from a recent Euro-American conference organized by the European Union Institute for Security Studies.
Hamas must be a part of any lasting solution to the
Palestinian
issue, not just because it won democratic elections, but also because it controls the Gaza Strip and has real influence in the West Bank.
But that strategy ignores
Palestinian
and regional realities.
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