Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
Not confined by any fixed orthodoxy, Indonesian Muslims have taken the historic step of welcoming dissident Muslim thinkers like the Pakistani Fazlur Rahman, the
Palestinian
Ismail al-Faruqi, and the Iranian Seyyed Hossein Nasr, even when their ideas were unwelcome in their native lands.
Palestinian
President Mahmoud Abbas’s decision to proceed with plans to seek a vote this week on recognition of Palestine at the United Nations General Assembly has come despite pressure, promises, and threats from Israel and some of its Western allies.
The UN vote (which coincides with the International Day of Solidarity with the
Palestinian
People) would not grant Palestine full membership.
In fact, a
Palestinian
state based on the 1967 borders is exactly what US President Barack Obama has called for.
It follows the
Palestinian
National Council’s declaration in 1988 of a
Palestinian
state alongside the state of Israel.
The Arab League initiative, which was also approved by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, embraces a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders, but goes one step further, calling for a “just” and “agreed upon” solution to the thorny
Palestinian
refugee issue.
By accepting the words “agreed upon,” Palestinians, Arabs, and other Muslim-majority countries have conceded that Israel will not recognize
Palestinian
refugees’ inalienable right to return to their homes.
Leaders of Abbas’s Fatah faction, which controls the West Bank-based
Palestinian
Authority, and of Gaza-based Hamas have been meeting regularly to implement the Egyptian-Qatari reconciliation plan.
A vote for recognition of
Palestinian
statehood is a vote for peace.
And in a speech in Cairo, he declared support for the United Nations’ recognition of a
Palestinian
state “an obligation.”
Likewise, while Egypt is in the midst of a messy revolution, and must give priority to internal change, it also intends to regain a more visible and influential role within the
Palestinian
national movement(s) and in the region as a whole.
Thus, two days prior to the election, he rescinded his formal acceptance, in 2009, of a two-state solution, vowing that his government would never allow
Palestinian
statehood.
Last month, during a public prayer in Ramallah, the
Palestinian
Minister of Religion, Mahmoud Habash, delivered a speech that gives hope to proponents of this solution.
Before TV cameras and in the presence of the
Palestinian
Authority’s senior leaders, he lambasted Iran’s interference in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The
Palestinian
leadership knows that if Iran ever launches a nuclear attack against Israel, their people would suffer terribly as well.
First and foremost, it sends a signal to the most extreme elements in Iran and that country’s terrorist clients – Lebanon’s Hezbollah, the
Palestinian
Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and various small groups operating against Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and other Arab countries – that they have a green light for launching attacks.
Similarly, there is wide agreement that some water currently used by Israelis will have to be allocated to
Palestinian
use.
But, despite deep popular sympathy, not a few Israelis – on both the left and the right – opposed the exchange of one soldier for a thousand or more
Palestinian
prisoners, some of whom perpetrated terrorist attacks that killed dozens of people.
Some consider the
Palestinian
prisoners’ release a mistake, legally and ethically, and a shocking injustice to the families of their victims.
Unlike the first group, they would be ready to accept the release of one
Palestinian
prisoner – even if he were responsible for the most brutal terrorist attack – but not a thousand of them.
Its soldiers are well trained and rely on advanced technologies and military abilities that are superior to those of the Arab countries – and far better than those of
Palestinian
militant groups.
As a result, one prisoner in exchange for a thousand
Palestinian
prisoners is neither a humiliation nor a surrender, but an acceptable agreement that acknowledges, even on behalf of the enemy, the military capacity of Israeli soldiers.
Indeed, those remaining in the West Bank will be under the supervision not only of Israeli security forces – who know everything they need to know – but also of the
Palestinian
Authority.
In recent years, the
Palestinian
Authority has effectively prevented acts of terrorism and violence against Israelis, with the aim of stabilizing the situation in the West Bank in order to prepare for the establishment of an independent
Palestinian
state.
The 70 or so prisoners who will return to the West Bank could also be influenced by the positive atmosphere created by the
Palestinian
Authority as it awaits the resumption of negotiations to achieve a two-state (and two-population) solution.
Unilateral occupation without commitment to a viable
Palestinian
state has produced only the intifada and suicide bombers.
So the prior condition for setting up and joining an international force for Southern Lebanon must be that Israel renews its commitment to the “road map” and negotiations with the Palestinians for a viable
Palestinian
state.
With this aim in mind, it must enter into talks with democratically elected
Palestinian
representatives.
The Arab League gave the go-ahead to indirect Palestinian-Israeli talks, and the various
Palestinian
leadership forums have approved the resumption of talks.
Even the usually boisterous
Palestinian
negotiator Saeb Erekat has toned down his rhetoric, and
Palestinian
President Mahmoud Abbas gave an optimistic interview to Israel TV.
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