Palestinian
in sentence
1687 examples of Palestinian in a sentence
The US should not, however, make the establishment of a full
Palestinian
democracy a prerequisite for territorial return and peace.
To delay negotiations until
Palestinian
democracy matured would only persuade Palestinians that diplomacy was a ruse and give many a reason to turn to violence.
The international community should demand the immediate start of negotiations towards the creation of a
Palestinian
state and push for direct negotiations on a peace agreement between Israel and Syria.
Likewise, influential groups such as Hamas, the legitimate winner of the
Palestinian
elections, cannot be eliminated by military force, however powerful, nor exorcised by decree.
Palestinian
President Mahmoud Abbas’ initiative to unite the
Palestinian
leadership may lead to greater moderation on the part of Hamas and create real prospects for the negotiation of a two-state solution.
If this effort is successful, the international community must cooperate fully and swiftly with the
Palestinian
Authority.
Hamas, Fatah, and the
Palestinian
DilemmaGAZA CITY – With dueling authorities running Gaza and the West Bank, the
Palestinian
people find themselves in the middle of an experiment.
Neither track of
Palestinian
politics – resistance or negotiation – offers hope of achieving independence.
The
Palestinian
Authority, which runs the West Bank, is afraid that a popular, non-violent intifada might quickly turn violent.
But, 17 years since the signing of the Oslo agreement and the launch of bilateral talks between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel, there has been very little movement toward a
Palestinian
state.
Palestinian
and Arab opinion is waiting for the US, as Israel’s ally, to intervene and press for concessions.
Though the
Palestinian
economy in the West Bank has improved greatly under Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, this is no substitute for serious peace negotiations.
In August 2009, Fayyad declared his vision of a
Palestinian
state in two years.
Under his blueprint, which has received strong financial support from the US and the European Union, the political, economic, and security infrastructure of the
Palestinian
state would be ready by August 2011.
Fayyad has also gained the backing of Fatah and most other
Palestinian
groups in the West Bank.
Fayyad’s strategy for international recognition of a
Palestinian
state is to fight a legal battle against Israel in the United Nations Security Council and other international bodies.
He is convinced that establishing a
Palestinian
state would serve the interest of all parties, and that the odds favor the Palestinians in international political struggle.
Hamas does not share this view, and
Palestinian
reconciliation efforts have reached an impasse.
In 2006, Iran managed to draw the
Palestinian
movement Hamas away from the Saudi sphere of influence and into the embrace of its ally, Syria.
While Israel might countenance some official Saudi criticism as the price of its support, Arab public opinion might not be so easily mollified, especially in the absence of progress on the
Palestinian
issue.
Their disagreements – not only on Iran, but also on Syria and the
Palestinian
question – seriously diminish American influence in the region.
In any case, President Mahmoud Abbas lacks the legitimacy to turn his back on his predecessor Yasser Arafat’s legacy and confront Hamas over the need to compromise on core elements of the
Palestinian
national narrative.
To persuade Israeli and
Palestinian
leaders to take the political risk that compromise entails will require massive pressure from both the US and Israel’s Arab neighbors.
Many Muslims also understand that the problem of Palestine, unsolved for three generations, goes beyond the suffering of the
Palestinian
people.
This week, the US Congress will discuss cutting off aid to the West Bank-based
Palestinian
Authority.
But this is a time for more international engagement with the
Palestinian
people, not less.
Nearly three years later, there is only stalemate – to match the wider stalemate in the search for a
Palestinian
state that can live alongside Israel.
It is in this context that the abortive
Palestinian
“Mecca Agreement” between the religious (Hamas) and the secular (Fatah) to form a national-unity government for Palestine might have established a new paradigm for the future of regime change in the Arab world.
It would have the same purpose as that infamous wall that once divided Berlin, and the wall that Israel is building to cut itself off from the
Palestinian
territories: to isolate people.
For that, he would also have to reverse or alter many policies that the US has pursued for decades – beginning with acceptance of Israel’s perpetual occupation of
Palestinian
territory, which has already gone on for nearly a half-century.
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