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Pakistani in sentence

428 examples of Pakistani in a sentence

A Pakistani intellectual once confessed to me, “I fear the weak electoral showings of Islamists in Pakistan has more to do with the fact that a compelling, charismatic Islamist leader – a Pakistani Hassan Nasrallah – has yet to emerge, not that his message wouldn't resonate.”
But while the officer corps may be steadfast defenders of secular rule, the rank and file reflects Pakistani society.
The desire to exact revenge on Musharraf for stifling democracy and failing to provide Bhutto with sufficient security will only inflame a political atmosphere that Pakistani liberals seek to de-radicalize.
Pakistani liberals may be right that their country is invulnerable to an Islamist power grab.
Three decades later, millions of chastened Iranians wish they could relive those heady days differently; their Pakistani counterparts would be wise to heed their hindsight.
This is undoubtedly why the Pakistani government refused an Indian offer to send in helicopters for relief work in and around Muzaffarabad, the flattened capital of Pakistani-administered Kashmir.
The Swiss proceedings were stopped at the request of the Pakistani government when Zardari became president.
Analyzing the failed Times Square bombing, Ambassador Zafar Hilaly, a well-respected former Pakistani diplomat, wrote “that nowhere else today have so many armed foreign outlaws been able to use the territory of a sovereign state to wage war for so long, and with such impunity, against other countries.
The TTP’s stated objectives include jihad against the Pakistani army, enforcement of sharia law across the country, and a plan to unite with the Afghan Taliban to fight the NATO forces in that country.
But the US, let alone the Pakistani government, may not have the will to act with such determination.
Now the world's attention is focussed on Iran, one recipient of Pakistani technology, as the country seemingly keenest to create its own nuclear arsenal.
Osama bin Laden’s PakistanNEW DELHI – The killing of Osama bin Laden by United States special forces in a helicopter assault on a sprawling luxury mansion near Islamabad recalls the capture of other Al Qaeda leaders in Pakistani cities.
Once again, we see that the real terrorist sanctuaries are located not along Pakistan’s borders with Afghanistan and India, but in the Pakistani heartland.
This only underscores the major protection that bin Laden must have received from elements of the Pakistani security establishment to help him elude the US dragnet for nearly a decade.
The breakthrough in hunting him down came only after the US, even at the risk of rupturing its longstanding ties with the Pakistani army and ISI, deployed a number of CIA operatives, Special Operations forces, and contractors deep inside Pakistan without the knowledge of the Pakistani military.
Significantly, as the CIA closed in on bin Laden, the chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, for the first time publicly linked the Pakistani military with some of the militants attacking US forces in Afghanistan.
Pakistan’s homegrown Islamist militias continue to operate openly, and the Pakistani army and intelligence remain loath to sever their cozy ties with extremist and terrorist elements.
Rather than helping to build robust civilian institutions there, the US has pampered the jihadist-penetrated Pakistani military establishment, best illustrated by the fresh $3 billion military aid package earmarked for the next fiscal year.
Make no mistake: the scourge of Pakistani terrorism emanates more from the country’s Scotch whisky-sipping generals than from the bead-rubbing mullahs.
Without reform of the Pakistani army and ISI, there can be no end to transnational terrorism – and no genuine nation-building in Pakistan.
With bin Laden dead, the only way that Al Qaeda can reconstitute itself is if the Pakistani military succeeds in reinstalling a proxy regime in Afghanistan.
Until the Pakistani military’s vise-like grip on power is broken and the ISI cut down to size, Pakistan is likely to remain Ground Zero for the terrorist threat that the world confronts.
All of the power projects will be Chinese-owned, with the Pakistani government committed to buying electricity from China at a pre-determined rate.
For example, China recently vetoed UN action against Masood Azhar, the Pakistan-based chief of the extremist group Jaish-e-Mohammed, which, backed by Pakistani intelligence services, has carried out several terrorist attacks on Indian targets, including the Pathankot air base early this year.
And last month, Sartaj Aziz, the Pakistani prime minister’s foreign-policy adviser, said that China has helped Pakistan to block India’s US-supported bid to gain membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group, an export-control association.
This is not to say that China is content to depend on Pakistani security forces.
China’s stationing of its own troops in the Pakistani part of Kashmir for years, ostensibly to protect its ongoing strategic projects there, betrays its lack of confidence in Pakistani security arrangements – and suggests that China will continue to enlarge its military footprint in Pakistan.
Attacks have already been carried out on Pakistani military installations reportedly housing nuclear components.
Carrying out such a strike on North Korean or Pakistani nuclear sites in a time of crisis would require a similar breakthrough – one that may be even more difficult to achieve, given extensive concealment efforts.
Colorful Pakistani trucks are everywhere, carrying beams and wooden window, door, and bed frames, with wives and children sitting on top.
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