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Pakistani in sentence

428 examples of Pakistani in a sentence

The assassination of Mansour on Pakistan’s territory, near its border with Iran and Afghanistan, has exposed, yet again, the deceitfulness of Pakistani officials, who have repeatedly denied sheltering Taliban leaders.
Obama’s objective was to preserve the option of reaching a Faustian bargain with the Taliban – a power-sharing arrangement to underpin a peace deal – facilitated by the Pakistani military.
What the US did not know was that the Taliban’s founder, Mullah Mohammed Omar, died in 2013 in a hospital in the Pakistani city of Karachi.
The reality is that the medieval Taliban will neither be defeated nor seek peace until their Pakistani sanctuaries are eliminated.
A better approach would be to link aid disbursement to concrete Pakistani action against militants, while officially classifying ISI as a terrorist entity.
But this can happen only when the US and Pakistani governments disengage from their “war on terror.”
But, as the attack on the heroic Pakistani schoolgirl and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Malala Yousafzai demonstrated, girls and women are still blocked from education in many places, sometimes through violence.
Bin Laden’s GhostLONDON – Osama bin Laden’s death in his Pakistani hiding place is like the removal of a tumor from the Muslim world.
Wouldn't waiving Pakistan's quota under the Multi-Fiber Agreement have been a very good and important step for the US government to take in reciprocation of the Pakistani government's help as US-led forces attacked Al Qaeda bases in Afghanistan?
Soon after, yet another scheduled meeting of national security advisers in Delhi was called off at the last minute, again following a meeting between Pakistani officials and Kashmiri separatists.
Just days later, India’s external affairs minister, in Islamabad for the fifth Heart of Asia ministerial conference on Afghanistan, met with top Pakistani officials, including both Sharif and his foreign affairs adviser, before announcing that the two countries had decided to restart a comprehensive dialogue.
Indeed, nearly six million Pakistani children are currently out of school, and many more are not learning even basic mathematics or reading skills.
He had, after all, risen to the top of the military on the back of the Pakistani army’s Islamist elements, who came into their own (in what had previously been a rather Anglophile, British- and American-trained officer corps) during the decade-long reign of a fundamentalist military ruler, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq.
Indeed, though Musharraf displayed an urbane image, enjoyed his Scotch, and admired Turkey, he was not one of the Pakistani secularists so admired by Indian liberals.
From then on, Musharraf seems genuinely to have tried to clamp down on the Frankenstein’s monster that he had sustained as an instrument of Pakistani policy.
For roughly four years, he represented the best that the West and India could hope for in a Pakistani leader – someone with military authority, who seemed convinced that his own survival, and the interests of his state, demanded a clampdown on terrorism.
From India’s point of view, US indulgence of Pakistan became overt hostility when the US sent the Seventh Fleet into the Bay of Bengal in support of the Pakistani genocide in Bangladesh in 1971.
According to senior Pakistani officials – including Sartaj Aziz, a key adviser on foreign affairs and national security – there was no agreement in the works when the stories appeared.
The US believed that shifting Pakistani leaders’ attention from nuclear-weapons development to power-plant construction would, in addition to bolstering efforts to close the energy gap, limit Pakistan’s dependence on China for nuclear technology and reduce the risk of an immensely destructive war in South Asia.
But these calculations failed to take into account Pakistani security considerations – in particular, the military’s renewed fears about India’s intentions.
According to a senior Pakistani military official, India, in pursuit of its “Cold Start” military doctrine, is constructing eight bases at which heavy armor would be stationed.
Developed after the 2001 attack on the Indian Parliament, the doctrine calls for Indian troops to move rapidly to occupy 300-500 square kilometers of Pakistani territory in the event of another terrorist attack.
“Tactical nuclear weapons,” the Pakistani military official explained, “will deter India from following through on this strategy.”
The records contained firsthand accounts of the anger felt by Americans at the ISI’s unwillingness to confront the insurgents, in particular those who were attacking US and NATO troops near the Pakistani border.
This theme of apparent Pakistani duplicity was picked up by Cameron.
The Pakistani public demanded a quick, decisive rebuke of Britain from the country’s leadership.
The difference between today and the periods that preceded other Pakistani coups is that an active civil society, an unconstrained electronic and print media, and an assertive judiciary may be able to keep the military in the barracks and force the politicians onto the right track.
Now, when a Pakistani woman wears her uniform, people don’t stare.
Separate facilities, better leave structures, and altered work schedules have served to make this growing cohort of women in the Pakistani military more comfortable.
But the Iranian revolution holds another lesson for Pakistani liberals: obsessed with evicting the Shah, Iran’s intelligentsia was delusional about their own society and their potential to emerge victorious via an abrupt political upheaval.
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