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Offensive in sentence

682 examples of Offensive in a sentence

To express doubts about the nation’s spiritual biography became a kind of outrage, a hostile and offensive provocation -- a blasphemy.
In China’s view, Patten’s position was hypocritical, even offensive, given that the British had ruled Hong Kong autocratically.
But in recent months, it has surprised its neighbors with a charm offensive.
Although China’s charm offensive is very recent, its contours are already clear.
In response, Egypt’s military and security forces launched an offensive against Bedouin militants in Sinai, while Morsi forced the General Intelligence Service’s director to retire and dismissed the governor of Northern Sinai.
In January 2015, President Abdel Fatah al-Sisi issued a decree that permits the government to ban any foreign publications it deems offensive to religion, thereby expanding the government’s already significant censorship powers and increasing pressure on journalists further.
The reality, of course, is that NATO is as much of an offensive threat to Russia as Switzerland is.
Argentina’s military regime, after all, framed its “dirty war” as an offensive against so-called “terrorists,” rather than as what it was: wanton, arbitrary persecution of citizens with diverse ideologies and class backgrounds.
In the immediate aftermath of the October War of 1973, the Arab world rejoiced because the myth of Israeli invincibility had been shattered by Egypt’s crossing of the Suez Canal and the Syrian offensive that swept across the Golan Heights.
That would make a large-scale offensive by more than 45,000 soldiers a compelling necessity, justifying politically the hundreds of casualties it would have cost.
That made it politically unacceptable to launch an offensive that would kill young soldiers and family men.
Indeed, nor would such an offensive have eradicated Hezbollah, because it is a political movement in arms, and not just an army or a band of gunmen.
To many observers in Russia, however, the regime’s post-electoral offensive against “unfriendly” forces seems certain to be counterproductive in the longer term.
Unfortunately, the European establishment is not doing enough to counter Moscow’s anti-European, divide-and-rule offensive.
For a majority of Europeans, though they have absolutely no sympathy for radical Muslims, be they Sunni or Shia, Israel’s offensive against Hezbollah and its result, the destruction of Lebanon, are seen as self-defeating for Israel and as potentially detonating a clash of civilizations between Islam and the West.
China's diplomatic offensive against Taiwan escalated in early August, when President Hu Jintao telephoned US President George W. Bush to demand a halt to the sale of advanced weapons to Taiwan.
Moreover, the US and its allies understand that failure to take serious action might prompt Israel to launch its own unilateral military offensive.
That is why Meir ignored an explicit warning by “the best of Israel’s enemies,” King Hussein of Jordan, ten days before the 1973 war, that an Egyptian-Syrian offensive was imminent.
American officials stress that they will not try to negate Russia’s strategic deterrent – an impossible effort, given the size and sophistication of Russian’s offensive nuclear forces.
An influential Moscow think tank called Niccolo M. advises the Kremlin on policies like offensive military communication technologies and hybrid warfare.
Complicating matters further is the need for Park to devise a viable response to a new diplomatic charm offensive by North Korea’s usually charmless leader, Kim Jong-un.
After all, unlike the Soviet Union, Russia has not ruled out the offensive use of nuclear weapons.
Responses to cyber war include a form of interstate deterrence through denial and entanglement, offensive capabilities, and designs for rapid network and infrastructure recovery if deterrence fails.
It is clear from Putin’s European charm offensive that Russia has no intention of footing even a small part of the bill.
NATO, moreover, not only enlarged its membership, but also transformed itself from an anti-Communist defensive alliance into an offensive grouping (with operations in Yugoslavia, Iraq and Afghanistan).
Rather than learn from this fiasco, Klaus went on the offensive, claiming that he was a victim of a conspiracy hatched by Havel.
None of this will translate into an effective offensive against terrorism, either.
For the question now is whether the time is ripe to make the transition to another strategic paradigm altogether, one in which the levels of offensive and defensive systems change in both absolute and relative terms.
Instead, the US should undertake three things: aggressive testing of various architectures for a missile defense system, including sea-based systems that could intercept missiles in the immediate post-launch, boost phase before warheads and decoys can be released; careful study of the consequences of moving to various mixes of offensive and defensive systems; and intense consultations with Russia, China and America's allies in Europe and Asia about how to maintain strategic stability in the post-Cold War era.
But the real problem is censorship, for the explosion was but the latest offensive in Armenia’s hidden war against the press.
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