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Occupation in sentence

719 examples of Occupation in a sentence

They are internally divided between Fatah and Hamas, under Israeli occupation in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, isolated from the outside world in Gaza, hopeless in the region’s refugee camps, and rebuffed by their Arab neighbors.
For Israel, security is the top priority; for Palestinians, what matters most is an end to Israeli occupation.
By causing a continuous shift to the political right, Israel’s occupation policy has undermined the state’s political and ethical foundations, while turning Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu into a hostage of forces even more extreme than he is.
And the radicalization that the occupation has helped to fuel on the Palestinian side is well documented.
America has made too many policy mistakes, US forces are too closely associated with an unpopular and incompetent occupation, and, until recently, their tactics have been too thuggish to permit talk of a permanent presence.
Then again, for three consecutive years, Iraq’s national security advisor – a physician with no credentials for the job when appointed by the US occupation authority, except that he spoke tolerable English – insisted that the next year would be the last in which American troops were needed.
No Iraqi political faction wants to be blamed for prolonging the occupation, but most, with the exception of Muqtada al-Sadr’s movement, will agree to extend America’s military presence by another five years.
Although Poland’s Catholics were cruelly victimized during the Nazi occupation, they could find little compassion for the fate of Nazism’s ultimate victims.
But the Holocaust played out most gruesomely in Eastern Europe, owing to the sheer number of Jews in the region and the incomparable ruthlessness of the Nazi occupation regimes.
There was also China’s seizure of the Paracel Islands from Vietnam in 1974, and the 1995 occupation of Mischief Reef in the Spratly Islands, amid protests by the Philippines.
Turkey, of course, did not join the US-led occupation forces in Iraq, but it has put enormous effort into mobilizing regional support for a stable Iraqi state.
Most numerous were the tens of thousands of young Muslims who fought against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, where they were trained in a wide range of techniques and many were recruited to organizations with an extreme view of the religious obligation of jihad .
Living Under Occupationby Ralf DahrendorfWhen I hear Americans such as US National Security Adviser Condoleeza Rice compare the occupation of Iraq with that of Germany (and sometimes Japan) after WWII, distant memories flood in, for I am a child of that experience.
Indeed, in the twelve months following the unconditional surrender of Hitler's Nazi regime in May 1945, I lived under serial Russian, American, and British occupation.
Sometimes I think of myself as an expert in comparative occupation studies.
True, my beloved wristwatch (which I had miraculously saved throughout the weeks of Soviet occupation) was taken from me by an American soldier on my way home from school.
But it soon became clear that this occupation held out hope of a better future.
This was even more evident when a few months later my family moved from Berlin to Hamburg, then under British occupation.
Such differences matter no less in Iraq today, and have done so from the first days of the occupation, when the British took Basra and the Americans Baghdad.
After five and a half years of war no one doubted the inevitability of occupation.
It could be argued that the Iraq war was too short, certainly too short for Iraqis to feel, as we Germans did, that the occupation was inevitable and bound to last for a long time.
In Germany, we thought for a while that the occupation would last forever, and that we perhaps deserved no better.
But the most important aspect of the German experience was the sense of where the occupation would lead.
But Germany revived because the Western occupation forces made clear their intention to let it do so, and helped indigenous forces on their way.
Western Germany's occupation forces not only set an example of how this vision could be achieved, but found the right people and the right institutions to bring about reconstruction and progress.
Fueled by the failure of the peace process to deliver an end to Israel's occupation, and by the Old Guard's failure to deliver good governance, the Young Guard allied themselves with radical Islamists.
Supported by an enraged and desperate public, this new alliance set out to achieve two goals: 1) to displace the Old Guard of the PLO, and 2) to use violence to end Israel's 35-year-old occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, using Israel's unilateral withdrawal from South Lebanon as a model.
Most Palestinians support violent attacks because they believe that only violence will end the occupation, not negotiation.
Suicide bombings make Israelis feel vulnerable, and comprise, Palestinians hope, a powerful incentive to end the occupation.
While America found many Arab and Muslim countries willing to support the US campaign against al-Qaida, none endorses a war that equates Palestinian violence against Israeli occupation with the terror of al-Qaida.
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