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Northern in sentence

1190 examples of Northern in a sentence

Following the overthrow of President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi’s government by northern Houthi rebels, who now occupy the capital, Sana’a, that consensus has collapsed.
Hokkaido, Japan’s northern island, has particularly long summer daylight hours, making the case for seasonal adjustment especially strong.
Finally, Germany, Spain, Italy, and several northern European countries required, for domestic political reasons, a ritual humiliation of radical Greek politicians and voters who openly defied EU institutions and austerity demands.
Europe’s Political Stress TestsPRINCETON – In recent years, the European Union – or, more accurately, the powerful countries of northern Europe – has been subjecting its weaker members to social and political “stress tests” in the name of fiscal rectitude.
If southern eurozone countries followed the route of forging a new social deal, they would have to ensure that it ultimately intersects with the paths of the northern European members.
Meanwhile, the leaders of the eurozone’s northern member countries continue to push for more serious implementation of structural reform.
Needling an eager-to-please India on its troubled northern borders helps China to keep India guessing about its intentions, exposes the giant democracy’s vulnerabilities in an election year, and cuts a potential strategic rival down to size.
Germany and other Northern European countries maintain that the culprit is lax fiscal policy and excessive debt accumulation by other eurozone members.
In that case, what remains of “Sudan” – Khartoum, Gezira, and the two northern states – might degenerate even further, probably turning into a base for global Islamic terrorism.
Hence, as the Kenyans put it, the border between northern and southern Sudan should become the border between Black Africa and the Arab World.
From Jalalabad to Herat – indeed, all over northern Afghanistan – you can see the signs of Afghans returning from exile.
Given that Russia was, until recently, a member of the G-8 – the northern hemisphere’s most important economic grouping – it would seem to have little affinity with the other four BRICS members, which have traditionally been viewed as the leading developing-country voices in global forums.
This was evident most recently in Russia’s alleged efforts to undermine an agreement between Greece and its tiny northern neighbor, the Republic of Macedonia, over the latter’s name.
Because the northern region of Greece is also formally known as Macedonia, the two countries ended up in a multi-decade naming dispute.
Beyond the short term, it would unleash major unintended consequences, potentially including an Iraq-style “soft” partition of Syria and the creation of a haven for extremists stretching across much of Islamist-controlled northern Syria and into the Sunni areas of Iraq.
First, France is an indispensable link between southern and northern Europe at a time of growing economic and financial division between creditors and debtors (a fissure that has begun to assume a cultural dimension).
So, while France faces huge economic challenges, its northern and southern features permit it to play a proactive role in the European project’s survival.
Under Hollande, France’s Socialists favor achieving that renewal through a process of social dialogue that convinces rather than imposes, that focuses both on revenue measures and on boosting government efficiency, and that may adopt some of northern Europe’s more successful “flexicurity” policies, which combine greater labor-market flexibility with strong social protection.
Northern Europeans with money to invest were willing to lend on extraordinarily easy terms to those in the south who wanted to spend, and ample pre-2007 spending made employers there willing to raise wages rapidly.
As a result, southern Europe adopted an economic configuration in which its wage, price, and productivity levels made sense only so long as it spent €13 for every €12 that it earned, with northern Europe financing the missing euro.
If we are not to look back in a generation and bemoan “lost” decades, southern European productivity levels need to rise relative to the north, and wage and price levels need to fall by roughly 30%, so that the south can pay its way with exports and northern Europe can spend its earnings on those products.
But if Europe does not adopt some combination of the first three options as policy goals over the next five years, it will face a stark choice: either lost decades for southern Europe (and perhaps northern Europe as well), or continued north-south payment imbalances that will have to be financed through fiscal transfers – that is, by taxing the north.
Northern Europe’s politicians should become more explicit about what “policies to restore European growth” actually mean.
Otherwise, ten years from now, they will be forced to confess that today’s dithering imposed enormous additional tax liabilities on northern Europe.
In what became northern Iraq, the Kurds, like the country’s Assyrian Christians, were for decades denied recognition of their distinct language and culture by hegemonic Arab rulers in Baghdad.
Some go so far as to argue that the recent rise of the lower castes in northern Indian politics and the implementation of reservations by the central government amount to a silent revolution, and that the politics of caste is secular and a bulwark against religious sectarianism.
But Germany and other northern European countries are reticent to underwrite what they view as distressed countries’ irresponsible borrowing.
The Kaliningrad-issue should be regarded as a litmus test of the seriousness of the whole philosophy behind the EU's Northern Dimension .
North Korean invective and provocation against the South continued, and in November its military shelled a South Korean-held island along the northern limit line, which has served as the North-South border since the 1953 armistice.
If so, and if denying food aid would result in a famine that the North Korean regime could not withstand, what could such a decision mean for eventual relations among Korean peoples living in the northern and southern parts of a unified country?
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