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Nineteenth in sentence

465 examples of Nineteenth in a sentence

After emancipation in the nineteenth century, the African-American communities remained impoverished and largely bereft of political rights.
Since Muhammad Ali’s leadership in the nineteenth century, the army has been identified with modernization, progress, and secularization – a bearer of national identity that has ruled the country for the last 60 years.
In Sudan, established by the British in the late nineteenth century, the non-Arab, mainly Christian South has already seceded.
Similarly, before the introduction of limited liability in the nineteenth century, a company’s shareholders or partners were each liable for all of the firm’s debts, which severely restricted businesses’ willingness to borrow to finance trade.
The last legal restrictions on taking interest on money were lifted only in the nineteenth century, when they succumbed to the economic argument that lending money was a service, for which the lender was entitled to charge whatever the market would bear.
Attacks on synagogues have taken place for the first time since the Dreyfus Affair at the end of the nineteenth century.
America, too, historically had problems as a single-currency area, from early chaos before the Constitution to the clash between agricultural and banking interests over the gold standard in the late nineteenth century.
In the nineteenth century, as many as one in 100 pregnancies in Europe ended with the death of the mother.
Britain is convulsed by a scandal about parliamentary expenses that has no equivalent since the attacks on “old corruption” in the early nineteenth century.
But the next doubling will likely occur only over 100 years, a pace last seen in the nineteenth century.
Neither the industrializing countries of the nineteenth century nor the successful Asian catch-up economies of the late twentieth century ever experienced anything close to such rates of population growth.
Making matters worse, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, much of the Muslim world was subjugated by European imperial powers.
“The crash will come if things go on like this,” Otto von Bismarck wrote in the nineteenth century.
Concentrations of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere have reached 435 parts per million (ppm) of CO2-equivalent, compared with about 280 ppm before industrialization in the nineteenth century.
Current greenhouse-gas levels are largely due to industrialization in the developed world since the nineteenth century.
In the nineteenth century, the joint interests of the authoritarian Russian, German, and Austrian Empires prevented the establishment of a free Poland: such unholy alliances have no place in the twenty-first century.
The Jews fleeing pogroms in Eastern Europe at the end of the nineteenth century, or Hitler’s Germany in the 1930s, were both economic and political migrants.
True, history teaches that no commitment is irrevocable: according to Jens Nordvig of Nomura Securities, there have been 67 currency-union breakups since the beginning of the nineteenth century.
The classical economists of the nineteenth century looked forward to what they called a “stationary state,” when, in the words of John Stuart Mill, the life of “struggling to get on…trampling, crushing, elbowing, and treading on each other’s heels” would no longer be needed.
That was true in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and it remains true today.
A “liberal realist” policy should look to the long-term evolution of world order and realize the responsibility of the international system’s strongest country to produce global public goods – things people and governments around the world want but cannot otherwise attain – as Britain did in the nineteenth century.
Second is the abolition of slavery in many parts of the world during the nineteenth century, followed by, third, the global loosening over time of other caste constraints – race, ethnicity, gender – which deprived even some people with wealth of the opportunities to use it.
The Whig historian of the nineteenth century Thomas Macaulay described this difference well.
While the rival claims date back to the late nineteenth century, the latest flare-up – which has included widespread anti-Japanese demonstrations in China – was triggered in September 2012, when Japan’s government purchased three of the tiny islets from their private Japanese owner.
For most of the nineteenth century, integration was a hybrid of internationalism and imperialism.
Globalization 1.0 – the surge in global trade and international capital flows that occurred in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries – met its demise between World War I and the Great Depression.
The Times reported that the Bangwa Queen has been owned by many famous collectors “since she left her Cameroonian royal shrine in the late nineteenth century.”
That disaster – a return to levels of inequality not seen since the late nineteenth to early twentieth century – is amply described in Piketty’s book.
Instead, it is marching backward toward the nineteenth century, under the banner of nationalism and reorientalization.
The czars’ eastward push into Siberia mirrored America’s westward push during the nineteenth century, and Russia’s expansion into Central Asia coincided with the European powers’ colonization of Africa.
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