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Nineteenth in sentence

465 examples of Nineteenth in a sentence

That was why the Andrew Jacksons of the nineteenth century fought the efforts of the Alexander Hamiltons to establish a national bank.
It is an argument much in the tradition of the great economists of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
In the nineteenth century, much of geopolitical rivalry revolved around the “Eastern Question” of who would control the area ruled by the crumbling Ottoman Empire.
They have all invoked heroic precedents from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as well as the impossibility of proceeding otherwise under brutal right-wing dictatorships, such as Batista’s in Cuba, Somoza’s in Nicaragua, and military-oligarchic complexes in Guatemala, El Salvador, Bolivia, Argentina, Peru, Uruguay, and elsewhere – including Colombia.
The problem was Britain’s failure in the late nineteenth century to take its economy to the next level.
British banks, having grown up in the early nineteenth century, when industry’s capital needs were modest, specialized in financing foreign trade rather than domestic investment, thereby starving industry of the capital needed to grow.
During the Industrial Revolution in Western Europe in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the pioneers and innovators in textiles, steel, and railroads were not, on the whole, rewarded with immense riches: their profits were competed away.
The late nineteenth and the twentieth century produced a different sort of growth, because public policies and resources could be used to protect accumulated wealth from the otherwise inevitable erosion stemming from competitive pressure.
During the first Industrial Revolution, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, new manufacturing processes eventually led to huge improvements in human wellbeing.
As Princeton University’s Jan-Werner Mueller argues in his book Contesting Democracy, combining the two principles, by extending the franchise at the end of the nineteenth century, made for an unstable compound.
Russian President Vladimir Putin wants to restore an international order based on exclusive spheres of influence controlled by major powers – the system that prevailed in Europe’s war-torn eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The famines in Ireland in the nineteenth century and in Ethiopia in the late twentieth century provide clear evidence of the vulnerability of undiversified crops to environmental changes, and the dramatic consequences of such vulnerability for the population.
Instead, it remains trapped somewhere between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Why We Need “Game of Thrones”PARIS – Today’s popular television programs have become the equivalent of the feuilletons that began appearing in newspapers in the nineteenth century.
It is now possible for Asia’s greatest powers – China, India, Japan, and the US – to form something akin to the concert system that gave Europe a century of almost complete peace in the nineteenth century.
The early nineteenth century was characterized by high tariff rates in both the US and Europe.
But, with China’s leaders now aggressively demonizing Japan and pressing disputed territorial and maritime claims more assertively than ever before, the country is being thrust in a direction that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, with his penchant for historical revisionism and highlighting Japan’s nationalist past, may in some ways have already favored: back to the nineteenth century.
The communist revolution that spanned the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was about concentrating government ownership of capital.
There have been boom times for the very wealthy, such as the Gilded Age in the late nineteenth century, when 2% of American households owned more than a third of the country’s wealth, or indeed our own time, when the top 1% owns almost half the wealth.
This is how Argentina grew rich in the nineteenth century, and how oil states have become wealthy during the last 40 years.
The Chinese remember all too painfully the unequal treaties imposed by the Western powers on China and Japan in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
How European countries fare in the future is a question that can be answered only collectively, not on the basis of some individually defined national interest, as in the nineteenth century.
In other words, until very recently, she has been incurious about one of the central issues of nineteenth- and twentieth-century British history.
America can learn from the lesson the nineteenth century, when Great Britain was a preponderant power and took the lead in maintaining the balance of power between Europe’s major states, promoting an open international economic system, and maintaining freedom of the seas.
In the nineteenth century, chronic disease was considered problematic in part because sufferers took up scarce beds in hospitals that were increasingly focused on treating acute, curable diseases.
On the contrary, China covets much of eastern Russia, lands taken from it during its years of “humiliation” in the nineteenth century.
The European MuseumIn the late nineteenth century, Europe viewed Asia mainly as either a source of inspiration for its artists or a focus of imperial ambition.
The rival claims date back to the late nineteenth century, but the recent flare-up, which led to widespread anti-Japanese demonstrations in China, started in September when Japan’s government purchased three of the tiny islets from their private Japanese owner.
By the middle of the nineteenth century, after more than 200 years of colonialism and slavery, Africa’s population had fallen to 95 million – just 9% of the world total – whereas other continents had experienced a large population increase over the same period.
Immediately after independence, Somalia became embroiled in two devastating wars over the overwhelmingly Somali-populated Ogaden region, which the British and the French ceded to Ethiopia for its support in their war against Somali clans in the late nineteenth century.
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