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Neither in sentence

786 examples of Neither in a sentence

The new Middle East needs neither a nuclear arms race nor religious hatred, and it also does not need a foreign policy based on military intervention.
Consider the British jailer Daniel Lambert (1770-1809), who stood 5’1” (155 centimeters) tall and weighed 739 lbs (335 kilos), yet neither drank nor ate “more than one dish at a meal.”
Neither his successor, Gordon Brown, nor George W. Bush’s successor, whoever he or she turns out to be, will be able to mount another intervention similar to that in Kosovo, let alone Iraq.
Although many Americans had witnessed the carnage from their living rooms and wanted the UN to do more to stop it, neither they nor their leaders – first George H.W. Bush and then Bill Clinton – had any interest in sending American troops to be a part of a Bosnian peacekeeping force.
Neither the authorities nor the markets recognized this prior to the crisis, attesting to the fallibility of both.
From Solidarity to FreedomAlthough the rise 25 years ago of Solidarity, the first independent civic movement in the former Soviet empire, had huge political consequences, Solidarity was, primarily, neither a political movement nor a labor union.
The popular expectation that neither the UK nor the EU will impose trade restrictions on the other seems unconvincing, at best, given the protectionist tendencies that have helped spur British Euroskepticism and the possibility that European policymakers will attempt to deter other member states from following the UK’s lead.
Changes in economic policy and in the underlying productivity trend have created a situation in which neither "recession" nor "expansion," as these terms were used in the second half of the 20 th century, adequately describes the current situation.
That is the only time when (a) a financial crisis caused a widespread, lengthy, and prolonged reinforcing chain of bank failures, and (b) the government neither intervened nor passed the baton to a consortium of private banks to support the system as a whole.
Unfortunately, neither the US nor Europe appears to be in a position to implement such an approach for the Middle East.
It is clear that neither the Sunni Arab world nor the current US government is betting on – or even rooting for – Rouhani’s success.
Besides, neither India nor Iran will simply accept such a compromise.
Neither the US nor the EU can afford another failure in Cyprus.
Secondly, Syria does not like feeling isolated – neither in the Arab world, nor on the international scene.
But, as long as investors were willing to purchase risky bonds, neither politicians nor unions would admit how unsustainable Detroit’s situation was.
Neither the European Union nor Japan can be counted upon to do anything more than allow themselves to be dragged kicking and screaming into trade liberalization agreements.
I see this as a reason neither for pride nor for shame.
As Joe Studwell argues persuasively in his book How Asia Works, neither Japan nor South Korea based its successful economic development on free markets in credit supply; instead, they relied on the deliberate direction of credit toward industrial development rather than real estate or consumption.
If, as appears increasingly likely, Mockus becomes president, his agenda promises to be prudent – neither a leap into the void nor immobilized by the need for profound changes.
But, contrary to what Putin seems to believe, neither Europe nor Ukraine is likely to be the biggest loser in Russia's effort to redirect its gas exports.
In other words, neither fat nor carbohydrates are problematic – until they are combined.
And neither Europe nor Britain can afford years of harsh rhetoric, posturing, and uncertainty.
In the US, neither R&D nor overall investment is declining.
Neither the fiscal budgets in the Maghreb nor existing levels of debt currently allows the necessary public investments to be made.
Neither the US nor anyone else has a vital national interest in restoring a Syrian government that controls all of the country’s territory; what is essential is to roll back the Islamic State and similar groups.
Given that neither the US nor North Korea has shown any enthusiasm for talks, one could conclude that war is inevitable.
Neither the Turkish military nor the Turkish government nor public opinion supports an American campaign against Iraq.
On the contrary, neither biotechnology nor genetic engineering are new, and consumers, government, and industry all have had long, extensive, and positive experience with both.
Obviously, a measured pace of economic growth in the developing world – neither so high that it sets the stage for later collapse nor so low that it weakens the public’s sense of solid progress towards a better life – would help ensure social and political stability, thereby fostering further growth.
But if you are still here, I will offer you neither a synopsis nor highlights, but rather a brief expansion of a very small and minor sidelight, an aside in Summers’s review about moral philosophy.
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