Example collocations logo

Nationalism in sentence

1165 examples of Nationalism in a sentence

As a political model, Chavism is strongly based on nationalism, so that, Bush or no Bush, its legitimacy requires a growing anti-Americanism.
Italy’s pivotal role stems from its position at the geographic divide between northern Europe’s prosperity and southern Europe’s crisis, and the intellectual and emotional divide between an open Europe and one trapped again by nationalism, prejudice, and fear.
Moreover, Hu has fomented nationalism, not by taking understandable pride in China’s impressive economic growth, but by demonizing Japan.
He has become increasingly reliant on the facile notion that state-sponsored patriotism and nationalism can hold China’s disparate groups together.
And yet common themes run through all of them: economic nationalism, social protection, anti-Europeanism, anti-globalization, and hostility not just to the political establishment, but to politics itself.
At a time when many are seeking salvation in nationalism, an EU-US free-trade zone would be a powerful symbol of cooperation in overcoming global challenges.
Trump, Corporatism, and the Dearth of InnovationCHICAGO – In the United States, a domestic political shift from cosmopolitanism to nationalism, and from left-leaning metropolitan “elites” to right-leaning rural “populists,” seems, to many, to be underway.
A dramatic curtailment of state resources may eventually push the government toward modernization, but it might also produce an uglier shift— toward harder political crackdown, economic nationalism and an essentially isolationist course.
Now, more than ever, Britain and the EU must defend and promote liberal democratic norms globally, not embrace populists’ narcissistic nationalism.
Merkelism is causing economic stagnation, political polarization, and nasty nationalism.
More neighboring states have more claims to more parts of the South China Sea – and tend to push those claims with more strident nationalism – than is the case with any comparable body of water.
According to Gellner, history blew past them when the politics of nationalism and ethnicity began to crowd out political-organizing efforts centered on class.
Nationalism could become the primary source of legitimacy for a ruling party that can no longer point to a rapidly rising standard of living.
Such an expansion of national sovereignty could be a positive development, if it leads to what Harvard’s Larry Summers calls “responsible nationalism.”
Moreover, isolation would only strengthen the sense of victimhood that fuels intolerant Russian nationalism, and it would compromise the world’s interests in tackling nuclear proliferation, addressing climate change, or stabilizing Afghanistan.
Havel reasons along similar lines when he warns of the emerging dangers of nationalism and populism in the region.
Attempts by political parties to thrive on nationalism, xenophobia and populism will soon be confronted with the limits set by the EU and other international organizations.
The same is true of Klaus’s nationalism; it may appeal to a popular streak of Czech provincialism, but even if the conservative Civic Democratic Party, which Klaus founded, wins the parliamentary election next year, EU membership will temper nationalist ambitions.
In other words, while populist-nationalist forces could well make further gains next year – even allying themselves, like the PiS, with far-right parties to win support for their policies – Central Europe is unlikely to revert to the virulent nationalism for which it was once infamous.
Many blamed nationalism as the ultimate evil that had almost destroyed Europe.
Even in the age of the Internet and social media, nationalism remains a most powerful force.
The closest thing, in some ways, to the China Model is nineteenth-century Germany, with its industrial strength, its cultivated but politically neutered middle class, and its tendency toward aggressive nationalism.
Nationalism became lethal when the economy crashed, and social unrest threatened to upset the political order.
Aggressive Chinese nationalism could turn lethal, too, if its economy were to falter.
The alternative to European engagement in the Western Balkans is rising nationalism and a possible return to violent conflict.
The Bush administration finds the PML-N’s nationalism and antagonism to Musharraf particularly troublesome.
Such suspicions can feed a climate of excessive nationalism in China.
Both Sarkozy and Royal have appealed to nationalism.
While Royal has been critical of Sarkozy, she, too, has appealed to nationalism, calling for a “re-conquest of the symbols of the nation” from the right.
Nor should it forget China’s fierce display of nationalism in response to Western protests of the Olympic touch relay, the extraordinary patriotism that swept the country in response to the Sichuan earthquake, and the national pride evinced by the Olympic Games.
BackNext