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Nationalism in sentence

1165 examples of Nationalism in a sentence

In geopolitical terms, Russia and China are reenacting the norms of the nineteenth-century, when states competed by amassing hard power in a system of unbridled nationalism and rigid state sovereignty.
America’s postwar planners concluded that if excessive nationalism was the problem, transnationalism was the answer.
As the economist and historian Deirdre McCloskey has noted, while the bourgeoisie provides the clerisy with a living, in times of crisis, the clerisy tends to promote anti-bourgeois fantasies, from nationalism to communism.
Elections for the Duma and, in 1996 for the President, give Russia a chance to show its true colors: are we looking at populism, nationalism, retread communism, western reformism or a blend of all with unforecastabel results?
China’s leaders thus continue to depend on a form of nationalism structured around tales of victimhood.
Ukrainians also eschewed the temptations of populism and extreme nationalism.
All of them would be championing nationalism and isolationism, in one form or another.
Nationalism and war were the defining experiences of Mitterrand’s political career, and he was referring not only to the dreadful past – the first half of the twentieth century, with its two World Wars, dictatorships, and the Holocaust.
He viewed nationalism as the greatest future threat to European peace, democracy, and security.
Although nationalist war was tearing apart Yugoslavia at the time, few of those who listened to Mitterrand in Strasbourg that day could have imagined that, 21 years later, nationalism would be experiencing a Europe-wide revival.
The United Kingdom’s decision in June to leave the European Union marked a momentary climax for resurgent nationalism, but one can also see it on the march in Hungary, Poland, and France, where Marine Le Pen and her far-right National Front have been gaining strength in the run-up to next year’s presidential election.
Europeans, in particular, seem to have forgotten that protectionism and nationalism are inextricably linked – one cannot be had without the other.
As always, when fear runs rampant in Europe, people seek salvation in nationalism, isolationism, ethnic homogeneity, and nostalgia – the “good old days,” when supposedly all was well in the world.
Whereas Trump admires Putin’s muscular nationalism and authoritarian decisiveness, Kissinger has long believed that there is no better alternative for Russia.
Key military figures’ tacit backing for the Turkish Parliament’s refusal to endorse the March 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq suggests that Turkish nationalism could unite the AKP’s rank-and-file MPs with their otherwise implacable foes in the secular camp.
But opposition to the EU was compounded by more fundamental issues of nationalism and identity, including citizens’ distaste for the large numbers of non-English-speaking immigrants from other member countries.
In Beijing recently, Chinese analysts told me that they believe that Japan is entering a period of right-wing militaristic nationalism, and that purchasing the islands was a deliberate effort to begin eroding the post-WWII settlement.
As one young professional told me, “we are interested in conservative nationalism, not militaristic nationalism.
If a moderate nationalism is harnessed to the yoke of political reform, the results could be good for Japan – and for the rest of the world.
More fundamentally, it means rejecting old-style nationalism, which threatens to drag us back to the 1930s, rather than preparing us for the 2030s.
More generally, while public interest in the campaign remains far below that seen in national political contests, it has become stronger than in recent pan-European elections, despite the rise of nationalism and Euro-skepticism.
This reflects the Chinese Communist Party’s broader use of China’s “century of humiliation,” which allegedly ended only when the CCP established the People’s Republic in 1949, to fuel a resurgent nationalism.
With nationalism on the rise across Asia, leaders have strong incentives to craft a version of history that advances their cause, and few historical memories are as effective for this purpose as those of traumatic humiliation.
Dislocated by modernity, the West has seen a turn towards identities of the past – nationalism, tribalism, sectarianism – whose allure rests in their familiarity and certainty.
Instead, Europeans appear to be embracing nationalism, balkanization, divergence, and disintegration.
Global Conflict in a New Age of ExtremesTEL AVIV – The late historian Eric Hobsbawm described the twentieth century as the “age of extremes,” in which state socialism led to the gulag; liberal capitalism led to cyclical depressions; and nationalism led to two world wars.
Today, like in the twentieth century, nationalism is tearing societies apart and dividing erstwhile allies, by fueling antagonism toward the “other” and justifying physical and legal protectionist barriers.
As Hobsbawm predicted, skyrocketing income inequality has emerged as a major cause of rising nationalism, anti-globalization sentiment, and even the shift toward authoritarianism.
Internally, nationalism has been gaining strength in nearly all EU member states; externally, Russia is playing great-power politics and pushing for a “Eurasian Union” – a euphemism for renewed Russian dominance over Eastern Europe – as an alternative to the EU.
If the UK and the US turn to neo-isolationism, and if France abandons Europe in favor of nationalism, the Western world will become unrecognizable.
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