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Multilateral in sentence

1507 examples of Multilateral in a sentence

The EU’s commitment to the multilateral system of global governance through the UN and other bodies is clear.
The theme of good governance has special appeal to large bureaucratic organizations like multilateral development banks and UN agencies, which favor apolitical solutions to what are essentially political problems.
Indeed, even doubling its initial investment will not give China a majority stake in the world’s newest multilateral lender.
Will it turn out to be a bank of China, by China, and for China, or will it pursue a multilateral agenda in the manner of the World Bank and regional development banks like the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and Africa Development Bank (AfDB)?
Because bilateral talks run too great a risk of “lost face,” multilateral discussions probably offer the best prospect for resolution of East Asia’s sovereignty disputes.
The problem is that China not only is unaccustomed to multilateral procedures, but that it recoils from them.
China’s history has not prepared it to work within such a framework, and its yearning for status – even more pronounced now than when it was impoverished – will make it difficult to gain Chinese acceptance of a multilateral solution.
Not surprisingly, given its own structures, the European Union prefers the multilateral approach.
In contrast to its multilateral efforts in Europe, the US created a hub-and-spoke security framework – formed by US-centered bilateral alliances – in Asia following WWII.
The question for the US and East Asia’s leaders today is whether they will wake up and develop effective multilateral mechanisms for security cooperation before doing themselves serious harm.
And his team has drafted additional executive orders that will reduce or even terminate funding for international organizations and withdraw the US from multilateral treaties.
“Auditing and Reducing Funding of International Organizations,” for example, simply proposes a committee to review financing of multilateral organizations.
It is this vital multilateral ethos that Europe must champion.
Despite all the lip service paid at multilateral summits to policy coordination, imbalances within the global economy are fueling a rise in tensions.
Innovative multilateral partnerships like the Global Fund and Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance – of which the United States is the largest funder – have saved millions of lives, as they have reduced the burden of infectious diseases such as malaria, HIV, and tuberculosis.
East Asia’s regional powers operate almost without any multilateral framework, a state of affairs comparable to that of Europe toward the end of the nineteenth century.
By and large, Latin America’s elected officials are getting the message and rushing to join good governance initiatives, such as the multilateral Open Government Partnership.
Instead of pandering to the Trump administration, British and European leaders should be pointing out that American “greatness” rests on the strong multilateral institutions, close partnerships, and international rules that have long maintained global peace and stability.
Certainly, America’s actions in Iraq, contribution to global warming, and uneven commitment to multilateral problem-solving leave a much room for criticism of US behavior both.
China can and should lower the temperature by re-embracing the modest set of risk-reduction and confidence-building measures that it agreed with ASEAN in 2002 – and building upon them in a new, multilateral code of conduct.
By contrast, Greece is still having problems fulfilling the goals of its adjustment program and is engaged in seemingly endless negotiations over yet another multilateral financing package.
The Fund should propose a conceptual framework for the discussions to be held on exchange-rate problems by providing an objective assessment of the adjustments that are needed, and by facilitating settlement within the multilateral framework.
And China signed up most of the developed world to the first large-scale non-Bretton Woods multilateral development bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.
But, broadly speaking, in Chinese, the term “international order” refers to a combination of the United Nations, the Bretton Woods Institutions, the G20, and other multilateral institutions (which China accepts), as well as the US system of global alliances (which China does not).
The term “international system” tends to refer to the first half of this international order: the complex web of multilateral institutions that operate under international treaty law and seek to govern the global commons on the basis of the principle of shared sovereignty.
Like much of the rest of the international community, China is acutely conscious of the dysfunctionality of much of the current multilateral system.
It reflects growing diplomatic activism in multilateral institutions, in order to reorient them in a direction more compatible with what China regards as its “core national interests.”
We should welcome Myanmar’s desire for guidance and advice from multilateral institutions and the United Nations Development Program; instead, we continue to limit the role that these institutions can play in the country’s transition.
Facing external payments obligations, and with the currency under pressure, the government will again seek a proposed $4.8 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund and co-financing from other multilateral and bilateral sources.
Rather than waiting for someone else to push back against the Trump administration’s demolition of multilateral structures, Europe must take the initiative, imagining a system without the US.
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