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Multilateral in sentence

1507 examples of Multilateral in a sentence

And, in contrast to multilateral security arrangements like NATO, America’s Asian alliances are founded on individual bilateral pacts.
Bilateral alliances maximize the control that a great power can exert over smaller allies, whereas multilateral arrangements distribute power and influence more evenly.
As political scientist Victor Cha argued before the election, changes in regional capabilities, the emergence of new threats and challenges, and the diffusion of connectivity in the twenty-first century argue for a new, more multilateral security structure in Asia.
Trump’s suspicion of multilateral institutions – and his unwillingness to absorb the costs of persuasion, side payments, and organization that centralized leadership demands – makes that shift all the more pressing.
A multilateral coordination mechanism would enable these countries to harmonize their efforts, thereby boosting their capacity to advance their shared security interests, even if US resources and leadership dwindle.
But if multiple allies worked together, through international institutions and multilateral dialogue, they might be able to persuade Trump’s administration to change course, without harming their own vital interests.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations is not just a deeply networked organization; it has also been actively cultivating relationships with its Northeast Asian neighbors through a set of bilateral and multilateral agreements.
As majority shareholders in the multilateral development-bank system, the largest contributors of ODA have a key role to play in aligning public- and private-sector incentives.
At a time of populist agitation against multilateral institutions, the WBG’s capital increase is a notable achievement in itself.
Avoiding coercion, premature elections, and hypocritical rhetoric should not preclude a patient policy that relies on economic assistance, behind-the-scenes diplomacy, and multilateral approaches to aid the development of civil society, the rule of law, and well-managed elections.
Terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, genocide, poverty, hunger, global warming, huge natural disasters, and the spread of deadly diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis all exemplify global challenges that require multilateral solutions.
This includes multilateral lenders, which need to revise old tools and rapidly develop new ones, in order to mobilize private-sector capital.
The Tequila crisis demonstrates that rapid multilateral action - in this case, a $50 billion package to refinance short-term debts at below-market rates - can also be effective in preventing the spread of contagion.
Precisely for this reason, the problem has been too little multilateral intervention, not too much.
The SDG negotiations reflect what is currently possible in a multilateral framework: relatively little.
Moreover, the G-20 leaders have continued to express the need to conclude the Doha Round of multilateral trade-liberalization negotiations.
But multilateral communication of significant policy shifts would almost inevitably result in leaks and confidence-damaging insider trading.
A fissile material cut-off treaty (FMCT), long stalled in multilateral talks in Geneva, and a successful second Nuclear Security Summit next year in Seoul, will help secure dangerous nuclear materials.
If, as seems likely, economic troubles continue, the US, Russia, and other nuclear powers should seize the moment to launch multilateral arms reductions through new or existing channels such as the UN Conference on Disarmament.
New modes of governance, ranging from transnational networks of regulators to international civil-society organizations to multilateral institutions, are transcending and supplanting national lawmakers.
The alternative of relying on a third-party multilateral organization to act as mediator in such disputes, the report explains, has little support from G-20 countries.
And, once again, China has rebuffed all efforts to secure a multilateral agreement to end the protracted – and increasingly incendiary – standoff.
Because the US and Japan have neither territorial claims in the South China Sea nor an interest in the natural resources – including oil, gas, and fisheries – that it contains, they are the ideal candidates to deliver this message and, one hopes, convince China to negotiate a multilateral security agreement.
In the past, the US took advantage of its position as the world’s biggest economic power and largest trader to rule out any multilateral trade provisions that did not serve its interests; otherwise, the US would not promote free trade.
Increased liquidity in international capital markets also reduced the need to obtain multilateral financing, and with it the need to accept conditions like privatization of natural resources and deregulation of public utilities.
During 2012, the US increased both the size and the number of bilateral and multilateral exercises across the Asia-Pacific region.
In 2013, we will engage for the first time in multilateral military exercises led by ASEAN, while China has been invited to send ships to RIMPAC 2014.
Fortunately, there is a multilateral option and an existing precedent.
All of the elements of security – from nuclear weapons to cyber-security to politics – must be considered, in the service of the overarching goal of strengthening mutual multilateral deterrence.
A twenty-first-century concert of nations could have a similar impact, though it would need to be underpinned by multilateral mutual nuclear deterrence.
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