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Multilateral in sentence

1507 examples of Multilateral in a sentence

In fact, I believe that this agreement provides an appropriate example for other multilateral institutions, such as the World Bank, that need to begin their own process of reform aimed at giving emerging and developing countries greater voice and representation.
Resolving such conflicts requires, at a minimum, some baseline rules of the game, which can be developed and implemented only on a multilateral basis, not in the unilateral way that China demands.
The Economics of Strategic ContainmentNEW DELHI – At their recent summit in Cannes, the G-20 shelved, if not buried, the World Trade Organization’s moribund Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations.
Tehran has been a major player in mediating between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, and jointly sponsored, with Russia, multilateral peace talks in war-ravaged Tajikistan, the most troubled of the former Soviet republics.
More generally, governments should expand the role of national and multilateral development banks (including the regional development banks for Asia, Africa, the Americas, and the Islamic countries) to channel long-term saving from pension funds, insurance funds, and commercial banks into long-term public and private investments in twenty-first-century industries and infrastructure.
Rather, the world is poised between two models of integration: one is multilateral and internationalist; the other is bilateral and imperialist.
They advocate cooperation and multilateral institutions to promote global public goods like peace, security, financial stability, and environmental sustainability.
European integration was at the core of this experiment in multilateral globalism; with Franco-German reconciliation, Europe, a chronic conflict zone, became a region of exemplary cooperators.
In the wings, leaders like Russian President Vladimir Putin yearned for a return to a world of muscular sovereignty, unrestrained by multilateral niceties.
At stake is the sputtering Franco-German engine that has driven European integration and kept it at the center of the post-war multilateral system.
If enacted, US representatives would be instructed to vote against loans to Nicaragua from all multilateral lenders, and the US government would have to compile and publicize a list of corrupt Nicaraguan officials.
As Trump threatens to renegotiate NAFTA “forever,” slashes foreign aid, and plans border walls, his counterpart is emerging as the global champion of free trade and multilateral cooperation.
Money from multilateral organizations, like the Global Partnership for Education and Education Cannot Wait, should also be deployed.
A bare-bones EU would provide a sound basis for cooperation with a “ring of friends” that would not participate fully in the single market and the free movement of people but could be involved, on a multilateral basis, in a series of cooperative arrangements.
Instead, China should encourage the development of multilateral structures – again, beginning with ASEAN – that can manage the economic benefits of disputed territories.
This would involve – in order – removal of Sudan from the State Sponsors of Terrorism list, exchange of ambassadors, lifting of unilateral sanctions, and support for bilateral and multilateral debt relief, together with other economic measures by international financial institutions.
To help finance such programs, the multilateral development banks – such as the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and the African Development Bank – should raise vastly more long-term debt from the capital markets at the prevailing low interest rates.
In addition, the multilateral development banks (MDBs), including the regional development banks and the World Bank, could raise an additional $20-30 billion in gross public financing through higher contributions from rich countries.
The next steps in implementation should include consideration of the proposals on international transport by the International Civil Aviation Organization, the International Air Transport Association and the International maritime Organization, with the multilateral development banks working on proposals for new green funds and enhanced collaboration with the private sector.
New multilateral frameworks – the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) with Asia and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with the EU – would circumscribe China’s room for maneuver.
It is not out of the question that the Chinese, who speak the language of realpolitik fluently, would prefer to meet the ad hoc demands of the Americans over the multilateral conditions of the Europeans.
Indeed, China has been shifting from hard power to soft throughout the region, and is using its economic power to challenge Western-dominated multilateral institutions.
With emerging economies (including China) slowing, and with meaningful multilateral policy coordination remaining inadequate, protectionist pressures will mount as major trading powers compete for a stagnant pie.
As a country that does not belong to any power bloc, India cannot afford to put itself in the position of needing multilateral support – a trap into which even developed countries, like Portugal and Spain, have fallen.
Strong, independent, multilateral institutions that can play the role of impartial arbiter in facilitating international economic transactions are in India’s interest.
That is why these countries must press for quotas and management reforms in multilateral institutions and inject new agendas, new ideas, and new thinking into the global arena.
They reaffirmed their deference for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and reached agreements on major strategic issues, including efforts to strengthen cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region and in multilateral institutions, and to respond jointly to regional and global challenges to peace and stability, for example, on the Korean Peninsula.
But important questions remain – most important, whether the AIIB is a potential rival or a welcome complement to existing multilateral financial institutions like the World Bank.
Indeed, many in the West have portrayed their establishment as part of an effort to displace existing multilateral lenders.
As Deputy Finance Minister Shi Yaobin pointed out recently, by recognizing the need to reform their governance, existing multilateral lenders have shown that there are, in fact, no “best practices” – only “better practices.”
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