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Movements in sentence

1491 examples of Movements in a sentence

And, slowly but surely, local embryonic civil-rights movements are linking up with global leaders – Girls Not Brides, Walk Free, and A World at School – as part of an emergency coalition to eliminate child labor, child marriage, and educational discrimination against girls.
Western governments were typically indifferent, if not hostile, to African liberation movements.
The UK’s north-south divide raises issues common to all Western economies where movements promising to “take back control” for the people are forming, and a new identity politics is challenging moderate forces.
Populist movements tend to focus on blame.
The last time European democracies were overtaken by radical political movements, in the 1930s, demagogues based their support largely on the old lower middle class, whose members feared being dispossessed and pushed into poverty by uncontrolled economic forces.
The reaction to what Karl Marx called “parliamentary cretinism” is the rise of movements that seek, instead, a decisive leader – someone to tell people what to do.
Sovereign debt, needed by all countries, but particularly by the poorest, suffers profoundly from erratic interest-rate and exchange-rate movements.
Widespread political violence in both Iran and Latin America in the 1960’s and 1970’s demonstrated a connection between popular feelings of powerlessness and the growth of urban guerilla movements.
Now, without exchange-rate risk, interest-rate spreads based on debtor countries’ credit ratings are the only remaining defense against excessive capital movements and the resulting external imbalances.
But stock price movements haven’t always been as rational as they were in 1916.
(It is the absence of such a blueprint that has led so many well-meaning movements in history to end in failure.)
For Chinese, such cultic movements have deep symbolic significance because of their association with the idea of dynastic decay and collapse.
Populist political movements in many countries were still thinking about national revival and assertion.
But, as Kuroda later clarified, Japan’s monetary policymakers do not seek to predict, much less control, exchange-rate movements.
Given this, monetary policy remains the most effective driver of exchange-rate movements.
New social and political movements and structures are emerging, power is shifting, and there is hope that democratic processes will strengthen and spread across the Arab world in 2012.
Non-violent movements have formed to protest not only Bouteflika’s continued leadership, but also the pervasive role of the army and intelligence services in civil society.
Such movements, like the much-publicized “Barakat” (“Enough”), have encouraged a shift among Algerians from resentful abstention to active boycott.
By organizing peaceful protests to demand accountability for public spending, these movements are raising issues that were not addressed during the election campaign.
Such an approach has been exemplified in local non-violent resistance movements, as well as the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement to pressure Israel at the international level.
Indeed, Islamist movements are gradually filling the void left by ousted authoritarian rulers.
Letting radical movements run their course, as some have suggested, is both reckless and dangerous, given the amount of damage they can do before they fail.
To fulfill their responsibility as stewards of the public good, cultural and political “elites” must eschew elitism and find formats and formulas that enable more constructive engagement among diverse groups, including – as difficult as it may be – radical and populist movements.
If they do not, people could embrace explosive alternatives to their current governments, such as the populist movements now sweeping many countries.
Social-media platforms now enable large groups of people to mobilize in ways reminiscent of mass political movements in earlier eras.
As a result, enormous resources – both funds and officials’ time – were invested in youth movements created by Kremlin puppeteers, with two aims: control street political activity and prepare brigades for a future struggle – which might include ballot rigging – against political opponents.
In every contributor’s country, a new awareness of shared destinies and of a global community permeated protest movements.
Sitting in the square became more than an act of defiance: in Spain, Greece, and in the Occupy Movements of the United States and the United Kingdom, the occupied zones became places where a new democratic society could be practiced, sometimes through the time-consuming General Assembly process of group decision-making.
But if the movements’ gains are uncertain, the connectivity that they created is likely to endure.
Dani Rodrik’s 2011 book The Globalization Paradox criticizes globalization enthusiasts for wanting full liberalization of foreign trade and capital movements; he argues that when democratically established social arrangements clash with the demands of globalization, national priorities should take precedence.
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