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Movements in sentence

1491 examples of Movements in a sentence

Until we stop regarding cultural pluralism as being incompatible with the defense of legitimate universal values, fascist movements will attract those who need the false hope and sense of self-worth that such movements offer, regardless of gender.
Moreover, violent armed groups, be they government-supported militias or rebel movements, increasingly embrace terror as a tactic to force civilians from their homes, as seen in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Iraq, and elsewhere.
It is unemployment and economic insecurity that breed xenophobia and support for extreme rightist movements across the continent.
Now is a time for solidarity across movements, causes, and countries.
Floods and droughts would become more intense and global sea levels would be several meters higher, severely disrupting lives and livelihoods, and causing massive population movements and inevitable conflict around the world.
In contrast, “behavioral economists” acknowledge that currencies can depart from parity for a protracted period, but argue that this results not from traders’ attempts to interpret movements in macroeconomic fundamentals, but from market psychology and irrational trading.
While movements in macroeconomic fundamentals may lead bulls to bid the value of a currency further above parity, they simultaneously become more concerned about a counter-movement back to parity – and thus capital losses – which moderates their desire to increase their long positions.
Previously, the PBOC allowed the renminbi’s value to fluctuate each day within a 2% band, but did not routinely allow the movements to cumulate from one day to the next.
Unemployment has always reached its lowest point at the end of the decade or a year later, driven by cyclical movements in equipment investment that followed the textbook multiplier-accelerator model.
Voters who support populist movements do so because they believe that current elites fail truly to represent them.
Indeed, he even praised the democratic movements that buried the Soviet Union and its sphere of influence, and he expressed no sympathy for the twentieth century’s revolutions, which he called “deep wounds” that humanity inflicted on itself.
Economies would wither, violent conflict would increase, and women, minorities, and journalists would suffer as “out” movements use scare tactics that encourage the extreme among them.
But such statements have yet to coalesce into a coherent pro-European story – not least because, with the exception of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Renzi is the only winning representative of mainstream orthodoxy in a debate bedeviled by xenophobic and “anti-systemic” movements.
As a result, they have gravitated towards underground extremist movements.
There was a vibrant multiparty parliamentary democracy, with an independent judiciary and one of the world’s earliest movements for female emancipation.
On the contrary, because effective responses to poverty require a sustained focus on social movements, cultural and environmental concerns, and political leadership, attention to human well-being can play an important part in reducing material disadvantage.
As one such supporter, Kenan Alpay, recently wrote, “Turkey cannot be a part of an international system that aims to dissolve all Islamic movements from the Muslim Brotherhood to…the Taliban in Afghanistan.”
Overly generous pension benefits are destabilizing public finances, compromising the intergenerational social contract, and fueling support for far-right populist movements.
Here an irony intrudes: usually prompted by civil movements, removal of such biases only becomes effective when these movements have their goals implemented by direct state action.
So you might expect, then, that alongside other groups, women would begin grassroots movements, initiating a general discourse on gender-relations and "women’s issues", and pressuring politicians to take gender issues seriously.
You would be wrong: gender is seldom on the political agenda, and civil movements for gender emancipation are weak.
Many of these -- from protective labor legislation to long, job-protected, and paid maternity leave, to free or affordable child day-care -- are today at the top of the agenda of many western civil movements.
Soros is of Hungarian and Jewish origin, and Beck’s attack, called “The Puppet-Master?”, recycles, almost in carbon copy, the tropes of the most virulent anti-Semitic ideologies of the totalitarian movements of the first half of the twentieth century.
Beck doesn’t say so, of course, but what Soros has actually done is give support through his Open Society foundations to pro-democracy movements in many countries.
That is the situation that confronts President Wahid who knows that much of the popular support for independence movements in Aceh and Irian Jaya derives from resentment against military violations of human rights, and that intervention by the army in the Maluka’s at very least exacerbated the conflict between Christians and Muslims who had long lived together peaceably and may even have provoked the violence.
As we enter the final months of the Compact talks, what should we expect of those negotiating the global plan for managing unprecedented movements of people?
These early adopters were joined by a growing number of financial speculators attracted by highly volatile price movements.
Without realizing it, Germany is repeating the tragic error of the French after World War I. Prime Minister Aristide Briand’s insistence on reparations led to the rise of Hitler;Angela Merkel’s policies are giving rise to extremist movements in the rest of Europe.
In both countries, the long-run implications of such angry populist movements for the health of democratic institutions need to be pondered.
Even when movements have near-universal support (which is not the case with the recent political movements in the US or India), there is a fundamental tension between democracy’s procedural and participatory aspects.
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