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Movements in sentence

1491 examples of Movements in a sentence

Galibin was amazing as Master, his voice and movements are captivating.
Because of the prominence of the abolition movement in the 1830s -1860s, other American social movements of the day are not thought of very much.
If you are interested, read Tyler's book FREEDOM'S FERMENT, which discusses the international peace movement, woman's rights, and other movements of equal interest in that period - only these did not lead to Civil War.
They are all a hoot as the title hero and the villains, respectively--watch out for their robot like body movements and feeble attempt at shock value with the "gun in the mouth scene".
The only novelty is the experimental dig at paying tribute to the films of 1970s in terms of certain tacky sets, overdone-gaudy costumes, Dance movements as well as use of back projection in a scene could all have been inspiring and brought freshness if film has something to offer content wise but it all misfires as every thing here is so predictable that it kills the curiosity factor completely.
The slick camera movements, the camera angles, the snow... everything was impressive.
Though both gained in importance since WW II’s end, globalization of financial markets accelerated in recent years so that movements in exchange rates, interest rates, and stock prices in various countries are intimately interconnected.
International capital movements are notorious for their boom-bust pattern.
Separatist movements in far-flung places like Tamil Nadu and Mizoram have been quietly defused by a simple formula: yesterday’s secessionists become today’s chief ministers (the equivalent of provincial or state governors) and tomorrow’s opposition leaders.
There have been moments of crisis in Argentina during which great movements have arisen.
Already, democracy has lost legitimacy here and social protest movements grow increasingly violent.
Internet-inspired movements usually have lasting impact only if they generate traditional political activity, such as street protests or the establishment of political parties.
For this, they need leadership, which net activists tend to reject, because they view themselves as pure grassroots movements.
A multitude of small steps could help – such as giving pro-democracy movements the technology needed to evade autocrats, presenting digital media in a balanced way, and making political parties more responsive to their members.
But this is not because of international trade or movements of people; after all, cross-border trade and migration have been happening for thousands of years.
The anti-globalization movements’ proposed solution – closing national borders to trade, people, or anything else – thus makes little sense.
Fringe movements, some operating within established political structures, and others seeking to create new ones, are placing pressure on traditional parties, making it difficult for them to mobilize their supporters, and, in some cases, causing them real damage.
Movements like France’s anti-immigration National Front are making leading mainstream parties more likely to pander to extremists in order to preserve their support.
The Lega Nord in Italy, the Vlaams Blok in the Netherlands, the supporters of Le Pen's National Front in France, are all examples of parties or movements formed on the common theme of aversion to immigrants and promotion of simplistic policies to control them.
Indeed, in the world’s two largest democracies, India and the United States, widespread popular movements against rising inequality and elite greed are becoming highly salient issues in looming national elections.
This implies that anti-discrimination and egalitarian movements need to broaden their focus to include electoral reform, better financial regulation, transparent privatization, and, above all, an overhaul of the education system to ensure high-quality schools for the poor and pre-school nutrition and health care.
Meanwhile, in the US, populist right-wing movements prefer tax cuts to long-term investment in infrastructure.
The market may know, not just from the experience of 2001-2, that interest rate movements do not have predictable effects on stock prices.
There is a perennial temptation to focus on – even to overemphasize – the short-term, tactical drivers of commodity-price movements, at the expense of giving longer-term, structural factors their due.
Individuals and private organizations – including WikiLeaks, multinational corporations, NGOs, terrorists, or spontaneous social movements – have been empowered to play a direct role.
Mao’s revolution fueled countless rectification movements and campaigns that inverted the once-inviolate primacy of ruler over ruled, scholar over worker, husband over wife, father over son, and family over individual.
Popular movements have brought a range of avowedly Islamist political parties to power, replacing the largely secular former regimes.
Much like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, al-Nahda and the PJD will have to marginalize Islamic extremists in their movements, such as the Salafis, and adopt a pragmatic approach.
But what has transformed Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya over the last two years has not been efforts by the outside world to improve these societies or their economies, but grassroots social movements intent on changing their countries’ political systems.
When British Prime Minister Theresa May says that she wants to “make a success of Brexit,” she sets off alarm bells in Brussels and other European capitals, because such an outcome could inspire populist anti-EU movements elsewhere.
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