Monetary
in sentence
5081 examples of Monetary in a sentence
Global Disaster RecoveryPALO ALTO – With the global economy mired in recession and financial crisis, policymakers everywhere have launched a series of monetary, financial, and fiscal responses.
In the meantime, let’s hope that Messrs. Bernanke, King, Trichet, and the world’s other central bank governors get
monetary
policy roughly right, and that our politicians don’t waste vast sums on ineffective fiscal stimulus.
Fiscal consolidation was put on hold (although some did occur, owing to the balanced-budget rules of most US states), and
monetary
policy was geared toward flattening the yield curve.
To Manage Expectations, Central Banks Need Social Media SavvyLONDON – As global economic growth gathers pace, with the International
Monetary
Fund reporting that all of the G20 countries are now in an expansion phase, we are at last entering a process of normalization of interest rates and
monetary
policy.
So one can sense that the
monetary
authorities are very concerned to prepare the ground for their next moves.
But only slightly more than 20% can understand what the mainstream press writes about
monetary
policy.
The Fed devotes considerable effort to ensuring that the public understands its
monetary
policy; officials should devote similar effort to communicating regulatory policy precisely.
Lacking access to basic economic tools such as exchange rate and
monetary
policies, Argentina could not surmount the profound external shocks of the second half of the 1990s, when export prices fell, the US dollar appreciated, and Brazil, the country's main trading partner, devalued its currency.
Likewise, the third engine, Japan, is running out of fuel after a year of fiscal and
monetary
stimulus.
The risk of a global crash has been low, because deleveraging has proceeded apace in most advanced economies; the effects of fiscal drag are smaller;
monetary
policies remain accommodative; and asset reflation has had positive wealth effects.
Rather than boosting credit to the real economy, unconventional
monetary
policies have mostly lifted the wealth of the very rich – the main beneficiaries of asset reflation.
Recognizing this disconnect, the PBOC has been working vigorously to prevent further misunderstandings by designing policies that will safeguard exchange-rate stability, while taking care not to transmit any signal that
monetary
easing is in the cards.
Everyone understood that a
monetary
union would require enforceable fiscal and banking rules.
One reason for this is widespread pessimism about Japan’s economy, reinforced by volatility in China,
monetary
tightening in the United States, and the collapse in world oil prices.
For starters, Japan, like emerging economies with flexible exchange-rate regimes, may actually benefit from America’s
monetary
tightening, as an appreciating dollar makes Japanese exports more competitive.
And yet, even though Japan’s economic situation is far from dire, introducing negative interest rates has not been treated as what it is: a maneuver to loosen
monetary
policy.
From 2003 to 2004, the Japanese treasury purchased a large amount of dollars, thereby easing
monetary
conditions at a time when the BOJ was reluctant to pursue open market operations.
In recent years, however, the yen’s exchange rate has been determined through
monetary
policy, not manipulated by intervention.
Finally, there is the relationship between oil prices and fiscal and
monetary
policies in the oil-consuming countries.
The alternative to
monetary
and fiscal expansion is recession, at which point oil prices would stop rising.
In fact, Labour’s most recent governments were determinedly non-Keynesian;
monetary
policy was geared to hitting a 2% inflation target, and fiscal policy aimed at balancing the budget over the business cycle: standard macro-economic fare before the recession struck.
That lender can be
monetary
or fiscal, and in Greece both types are in doubt.
The Argentine experience suggests that, after the run on bank deposits, the saga’s next installment is
monetary
collapse.
Thus, costs associated with giving up an independent
monetary
policy and a flexible exchange rate would not be significant.
QE has enabled developed economies to collect a massive amount of international seigniorage (the interest that a central bank earns on the assets that it holds against the currency that it issues, or the annual increment in the
monetary
base) from developing countries.
As QE expands the size of these central banks’ balance sheets, the
monetary
base (currency in circulation and commercial banks’ reserves) also grows.
The extent to which the central bank expands the
monetary
base, therefore, increases the size of the seigniorage for these countries’ governments.
By contrast, euroization so far has required a fair degree of prior fiscal consolidation, a credible and independent
monetary
policy, reasonably competitive financial institutions, and flexible labor markets.
The debate about the timing and technical form of euroization must address which
monetary
regime--full-fledged euroization or floating exchange rates--is more effective in lowering risk premiums in the candidate countries.
Premature euroization would keep interest rates low, but it could create a large gap between an imprudently low official inflation risk premium and the inflation risk premium that would be set by an independent
monetary
policy with floating exchange rates.
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