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Militias in sentence

229 examples of Militias in a sentence

The retrograde left today can realize Che Guevara’s old dream: not “one, two, many Vietnams,” but “one, two, many Venezuelas,” winning power by the ballot and then conserving and concentrating it through constitutional changes and the creation of armed militias and monolithic parties.
Are elements within the military continuing to support radical Islamist militias opportunistically, as they began to do in recent years?
Now that America's position has become unsustainable, the Bush administration is handing over power to local militias in Falluja and elsewhere.
Some members of these groups now serve in government, others in militias or as self-appointed vigilantes or hired guns.
Moreover, violent armed groups, be they government-supported militias or rebel movements, increasingly embrace terror as a tactic to force civilians from their homes, as seen in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Somalia, Iraq, and elsewhere.
Like the eight-year civil war (in what was then known as Zaire) that nominally ended in 2002, the current fighting involves many different local groups: not only the Congolese government forces, which oppose the insurgents loyal to the Tutsi General Laurent Nkunda, but also the Rwandan Hutu rebels who were responsible for the genocide in Rwanda in the 1990’s and a jungle force known as the “Mai-Mai” militias.
The state fails to provide for its citizens; poverty, political marginalization, and land disputes then fester, fueling ethnic militias that function as a kind of tribal shadow government, often providing social services.
The state then brutally crushes the militias, making matters worse, and politicians manipulate the actors for their own purposes.
But now they find themselves in the crosshairs not just of Assad, but also of Russia and various Iran-backed Shia militias.
American troops will eventually leave Iraq, and all the relevant parties – the Maliki government, Shi’a militias, Sunni insurgents, Iran, and Iraq’s Sunni Arab neighbors – know it.
Nothing could be worse for Maliki than explicit authorization for attacks on Shi’a militias, and the near-term survival of his government is crucial if any progress is to be made on the political challenges facing all of Iraq’s factions.
In terms of realpolitik, this argument is strengthened by the fact that Iraq’s national army is all but incapable of defeating the IS, while the Kurdish militias could – but only if they are equipped with modern weapons.
After an arduous four-day journey that included evading militias and making a perilous river crossing, they reached safety in neighboring Bangladesh.
The mobilization of Shia militias means that the nightmare scenario, the fall of Baghdad, is unlikely, despite the virtual collapse of the Iraqi army.
The right of citizens to organize militias to fight government tyranny was therefore a founding idea of the new country, enshrined in the Second Amendment to the US Constitution, which declares that, because a country needs a well-regulated militia, the people have the right to bear arms.
Since citizens’ militias are anachronistic, gun owners now use the second amendment merely to defend individual gun ownership, as if that somehow offers protection against tyranny.
Armed militias in the Niger Delta are becoming bolder.
Their fate has been to join the estimated 12,000 students conscripted into children’s militias in the country’s escalating civil war.
These unsettled areas have become infiltrated by a multinational anti-state terror network (Al Qaeda, Taliban, the Haqqani network, and roughly 14 definable anti-state elements operating in the FATA alone), which the US government calls “anti-coalition militias” and are far more sinister and interconnected than the West imagines.
Indeed, since the civil war’s end in 2005, the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) in the South has frequently had to confront militias that operate as government proxies.
Unarmed, they were shot in the streets by riot police and government snipers, until they finally started forming small local militias for self-protection – militias that gradually grew into the loose federation of forces now known as the Free Syrian Army.
In critical respects, it is beginning to repeat its own mistakes, whether by creating or funding new local militias in Afghanistan, or by striving to come to terms with the Taliban.
In this context, as Richard Haass recently pointed out, “the potential for prolonged political-religious wars within and across boundaries, involving both local and foreign forces and militias and governments, is great.”
In Iraq, there is some evidence that its momentum has been halted; but the growing role of Iran and the Shia militias it backs all but guarantees that many Iraqi Sunnis will come to sympathize with or even support the Islamic State, whatever their misgivings.
Thus, China threatens to veto any resolution of the United Nations Security Council that might impose sanctions against the Arab ruling class in the Sudanese government, whose troops and government-allied militias are perpetrating genocide against Sudan’s black citizens, using Chinese-made helicopter gunships based at airstrips maintained by Chinese oil companies.
Must the world accept the rape of girls who were kidnapped by the occupying forces or their militias?
But they are actually reenacting the 1930s, with its right-wing protest movements and militias.
America’s Democrats continue to argue for complete withdrawal of United States forces from Iraq within 18 months, despite the fact that no rational observer believes that Iraqi forces will by then be able to secure Iraq’s borders and face down the country’s numerous militias, which remain armed to the teeth.
In the meantime, US forces must support Iraqi efforts to strengthen the country’s own military and security forces, while simultaneously disbanding all militias.
Iraq’s militias will not go quietly, yet their dissolution is essential for long-term stability, itself a sine qua non for stability in the region.
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