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Membership in sentence

1494 examples of Membership in a sentence

But is early admission to EMU preferable to postponing membership?
Some argue that ERM II membership should be viewed as a longer-term proposition - possibly lasting until 2010 - for the benefit of candidates themselves.
My government has pledged its willingness live up to the legal norms that are the core of European Union membership.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, speaking last month to the membership of AIPAC, the largest pro-Israel lobby in the US, emphasized the urgency of the situation.
It is in Bosnia where future NATO members are showing themselves ready and able to shoulder the burdens of membership.
To a lack of common purpose; to feckless American leadership; to membership for East European democracies; to cooperative relations with Russia?
For example, when Moldova requests membership in the European Union, Russia may move to annex its breakaway region of Transnistria, where Russian troops have been stationed for two decades.
Why are clear suspicions of corruption, asset-stripping and outright theft not investigated and punished, even though both companies are majority-owned by the Government and most of the board membership is state appointed?
But in any event, it was too late to protest: the ten Eastern states had already been granted membership of the Union.
But this would surely change as its dynamic private sector, facing down the government’s protectionist instincts, lobbied for membership – a proposition that would become difficult to resist as the TAP’s influence spread.
Moreover, TAP membership would be voluntary, an important advantage over the FTAA.
For Poland and the other countries of East-Central Europe that have or are about to join NATO, membership in the Alliance didn't really require debate.
EU membership and the global war on terror, however, demand a more deeply considered response.
Because EU membership affects every aspect of a state, economy, and society, while the war on terror demands a completely new way to conduct diplomacy and security policy.
This may well have an impact on future regional political coordination, although Mexico’s future membership has not been ruled out.
This might seem to imply that the EU needs to be able to impose looser terms of cooperation, including fewer benefits from membership.
Putin does not deserve all the credit for this sea change, but what he has achieved over the last two years is far more than anyone had the right to expect: a simplified tax code, progress toward WTO membership, legal reform, greater transparency.
In short, the EU will no longer be able to offer attractive membership prospects to neighboring countries, nor will it be able to allocate adequate resources for surrogate membership schemes like the Eastern Partnership.
The EU and NATO are unable to expand farther, even though they may want to maintain post-Soviet countries’ interest in membership in order to prevent their possible return to Russia’s orbit.
Clearly, therefore, we need to devise a system of membership for key international organizations that ensures that their structures are relevant but that is also flexible enough to allow members to come and go.
One way forward would be to establish numerical guidelines – along the lines of the Maastricht Treaty – for conferring G-7 membership.
Given that Europe managed to construct EMU, the Maastricht Treaty, and the stability and growth pact that underlines the euro, it should be relatively easy for euro-zone experts to help devise a system for judging G-7 type membership.
Next, we applied for admission to NATO and prepared for European Union membership, with all of the institutional reforms that these goals implied.
Of course, living standards are not as high in Eastern Europe as in the west, but the hope – for both applicant countries and those in the Balkans – must be that ongoing democratization and economic reform will mean eventual membership in the EU.
What exactly are we doing if we insist on Turkey’s acknowledgement that the Armenian genocide did take place as a condition of its membership in the European Union?
Resolving this generational struggle peacefully will require democratic elections within Fatah for membership of both the Revolutionary Council and the Central Committee.
The government of Prime Minister David Cameron – who has focused on British identity, rather than the UK’s common destiny with Europe – will undoubtedly hold a referendum on the UK’s continued membership in the European Union, with unpredictable consequences.
In the summer of 1997, Nato will announce the three or four East European candidates for membership, most likely Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic.
Preferably, the Nato Summit will both formally invite the first candidates for Nato membership and announce, with President Yeltsin present, a Charter of Russia-Nato relations.
Is EU membership worth the life of Romania’s democratic parties, perhaps its infant democracy?
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