Loans
in sentence
1648 examples of Loans in a sentence
Recently, the exchange has become the prime source of financing for Brazilian companies, ahead of the state-owned National Development Bank, which grants
loans
at below-market rates.
But most instances of corrupt actions involve bribes or other illicit payoffs to officials to obtain government contracts, for laws to be passed that keep out competition, for
loans
on favorable terms, or to ease the enforcement of pollution and other costly regulations.
The problem of bank insolvency, endemic in Greece, where nonperforming
loans
account for more than one-third of bank assets, is not as generalized in Italy.
The common bank deposit insurance scheme and the recapitalization fund were pushed into an implausible future in which the eurozone periphery’s banks have to shed their bad
loans
before a proper banking union is forged.
In front of an ecstatic press corps, they hailed the decision to create a eurozone budget in name, when in reality it is nothing more than a credit line from the European Stability Mechanism (ESM, the bailout fund that gave Greece its
loans
in 2015).
When bankers try to cover up bad
loans
on their books, they extend new
loans
to enable their insolvent borrowers to pretend to be servicing the original loan.
Many
loans
to Spanish developers will have to be written off.
While international bankers went bust by making legions of bad loans, African bankers stuck to earning profits the old-fashioned way: paying very little to depositors, and earning a big “spread” by buying guaranteed government debt, which yielded healthy returns.
In the US,
loans
for cars and homes –
loans
that now aren’t being paid back – are the major factor behind the financial crisis.
Not only was there the psychological boost that comes from feeling richer, but also the realization of capital gains from an equity bubble and the direct extraction of wealth from the housing bubble through a profusion of secondary mortgages and home equity
loans.
Making it more costly for commercial banks to park their money with the central bank should lower the cost of commercial
loans.
The calculation is that it will make more sense for a commercial bank to put money into circulation, whether by making
loans
or buying government and other securities, than to pay the central bank for holding that money.
With college tuition soaring, the only way their children could get the education that would provide a modicum of hope was to borrow; but, with education
loans
virtually never dischargeable, student debt seemed even worse than other forms of debt.
The fund will not be bound by old World Bank rules that, until recently, excluded the education of refugee children in middle-income countries from concessional
loans.
By 2020, the Facility will unlock some $10 billion in grants and
loans
to help countries strengthen their education systems.
But converting underwater “non-recourse” mortgage loans, where only the house is at risk, into so-called “recourse liabilities,” for which nonpayment would have consequences for all of a borrower’s assets, could address this concern, while simultaneously tempering America’s culture of leverage with a much greater sense of responsibility.
After a prolonged credit boom, commercial banks typically face a mounting volume of nonperforming
loans.
The natural monetary-policy response is to increase liquidity, lower interest rates, and, in many cases, provide direct assistance in the form of
loans
from the central bank.
The Fund does not bestow gifts; it only offers bridge
loans
to give bankrupt countries time to solve their budget problems.
If the Fund attaches tough “German-style” conditions to its loans, it risks provoking immediate confrontation and default.
Moreover, the original LGFVs were not subject to maturity mismatches, because they were funded through long-term CDB loans, with local governments using the fees and taxes they accrued from the completed infrastructure to cover operating costs and service their debt.
Massive government stimulus in the wake of the global financial crisis spurred local governments to take
loans
from Chinese banks to realize dream infrastructure projects, with remote cities attempting to imitate urban showcases like Shanghai or Shenzhen.
It is time that the IMF returns to its basic and needed function: monitoring the international monetary system, and perhaps making a few emergency
loans.
I am heartened by calls for this in the UK, and that the talk is now turning to the purchase of risky assets, such as corporate bonds or bundles of
loans
to the private sector, as opposed to long-term government securities.
The International Monetary Fund has long recognized that it made one too many
loans
to try to save Argentina’s unsustainable dollar peg as it collapsed back in 2001.
The experience of the recent eurozone crisis stands in sharp contrast to the Latin American debt crisis in the 1980s, when banks were not allowed to exit precipitously from their
loans.
At the same time, banks, faced with a surge in nonperforming
loans
and compromised balance sheets, may be unable or hesitant to engage in new lending.
Notable exceptions include the “evergreening” of bank
loans
through the years in the aftermath of Japan’s crisis in the early 1990s and Europe’s ongoing crisis, which is fast approaching the decade mark.
European banks since the crisis have largely been kept busy buying government debt and evergreening (in Ponzi-scheme fashion) private pre-crisis
loans.
By contrast, the attempt to crowd multilateral resources into Europe was made explicit by eurozone finance ministers’ call in November for IMF resources to be boosted – preferably through debt-generating bilateral loans,– so that it could “cooperate more closely” with the European Financial Stability Facility.
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