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Loans in sentence

1648 examples of Loans in a sentence

But the paper also shows that domestic prudential policies – such as capping home-mortgage loans at a certain percentage of the property’s value, or increasing banks’ capital requirements during economic upswings – can be effective at restraining lending booms.
European bankers surely knew better than to hand out so-called “NINJA” (no income, no job, no assets) loans.
The first lesson is that, despite the limited overall volume of subprime loans, the subprime crisis could blow up into the biggest financial crisis in living memory, because an overstretched financial system was unable to cope with even limited losses.
By contrast, European authorities refuse to test the scenario that the market currently fears most: losses on loans to banks and governments on Europe’s periphery.
Debt relief created fewer problems for banks in the US because a significant proportion of the subprime loans packaged into AAA-rated securities had been sold to gullible foreigners.
His analysis shows that if, for example, the Indian state of Rajasthan were to copy other states and waive formal loans for land holders with less than two hectares, this would cost 117.4 billion rupees ($1.7 billion).
Interest rates were too low in Southern Europe, where governments and households binged on cheap loans, and arguably too high in Germany, which was already held back by the economic burden of reunification.
The China BacklashHONG KONG – On a recent official visit to China, Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad criticized his host country’s use of major infrastructure projects – and difficult-to-repay loans – to assert its influence over smaller countries.
In Cambodia, another leading recipient of Chinese loans, fears of effectively becoming a Chinese colony are on the rise.
If both of these steps were taken, then there would be a case for some loans from the IMF, World Bank, and other official agencies, but on a much smaller scale than what the IMF has arranged.
That enabled Russian President Vladimir Putin to swoop in and compel Yanukovych to scuttle the deal in exchange for a promise of $15 billion in loans and energy subsidies.
The Bank’s Concessional Financing Facility (CFF) aims to provide $3-4 billion in low-cost loans to the national governments of Jordan and Lebanon, which have experienced 10% and 25% population growth, respectively, owing to the influx of Syrian refugees.
But this approach – in which support is channeled through states and delivered in the form of loans – is fundamentally flawed.
To avoid this perception – and to give refugees real opportunities to thrive – requires grants, not loans, and they need to be delivered not through governments, but directly to programs for refugee education, infrastructure, health care, and employment.
Part of those neighbors’ problem was that domestic borrowing costs looked so high that many small borrowers, including many house buyers, turned to low-interest Swiss-franc loans and were then hit by the franc’s massive appreciation.
Indeed, much of the European periphery is caught in a deflationary mire, with money incomes falling, debts skyrocketing (as a share of money incomes), and banks drowning in non-performing loans that prevent them from lending even to profitable enterprises.
As a result, credit demand was relatively weak; in many cases, commercial banks had to persuade enterprises to accept loans, with a large proportion of the credit ultimately devoted to chasing assets in the capital market.
This makes them safer, because they are more able to absorb losses, and less likely to become zombie banks (which do not make sensible loans).
If a crisis does occur, the ESM’s resources could perhaps be used to prevent contagion within the eurozone financial system, rather than to provide loans to countries with deep-seated domestic problems.
Financial support, such as low-interest loans for newlyweds, could also promote marriage and childbirth.
They could buy bad loans from lenders and forgive part of the principal payable by borrowers, simultaneously reducing lenders’ collateral requirements and borrowers’ debt overhang.
Philosophically, the debt-forgiveness approach rests on the belief that creditors share culpability for defaults with debtors, since they made the bad loans in the first place.
After the 2008 financial crisis, the eurozone’s weakest banks quickly buckled under the weight of their bad loans, and then threatened to drag their respective governments down with them.
While political leaders were caviling over the legality of interstate loans, European institutions were softening the blow from a global shock.
Instead, they must concentrate on reinforcing the common currency’s inherent strengths, not least by formulating a credible plan to clean up the bad loans on Italian and Portuguese banks’ balance sheets.
Ideally, such a plan would include European resources as well as local reforms, and it would address insolvency-regime inefficiencies, so that banks are not burdened with non-performing loans while they wait for a court’s approval to convert collateral.
Most of the shadow banking system has disappeared, and traditional commercial banks are saddled with trillions of dollars in expected losses on loans and securities while still being seriously undercapitalized.
The World Bank should also stop insisting that recipient governments guarantee its loans, which gives governments control over which private sector company, local government, or non-governmental organization receives financing.
US banks finance up to 100% of a house’s value, sometimes even more, and the sub-prime market even includes loans to people without jobs and income.
The problem is that the Bank is too slow to process loans, which has increasingly made it the last choice for many of its potential clients.
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