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Liberty in sentence

703 examples of Liberty in a sentence

Instead of working to protect natural liberty where possible, and building institutions to approximate its effects elsewhere, the central challenge will be to help people protect themselves from manipulation.
But if any denial of academic liberty is a blow struck against the meaning of a university, the irony today is that some of the most worrying attacks on these values have been coming from inside universities.
Yet some American and British academics and students are themselves undermining freedom; paradoxically, they have the liberty to do so.
This is a dangerous state of affairs for those on either side of the Atlantic who believe in the values of the enlightenment and in the constitution of liberty.
Defending the values of the West against anti-enlightenment forces both within and without may well be the most important task ahead for all who believe in liberty.
Rediscovering the West and the institutions that go with it, and defending them with whatever it takes, is the primary issue on the agenda of liberty today.
That is why the liberal theory of justice demands at a minimum equality of opportunity: the attempt – as far as is compatible with personal liberty – to eliminate all those differences in life chances arising from unequal starting points.
For America really is a land of liberty, a place where lives, often scarred by injustice elsewhere, can be remade.
Under this regime, participants in the conflict who have committed crimes will confess them to a national tribunal with international advisers, and will receive an eight-year “restriction of liberty” sentence, which is closer to being on probation than in prison.
Lawyers warn of a threat to individual liberty and due process.
Around the world, personal liberty, human rights, and democracy are at risk – even in countries that have embraced democratic ideals.
Hayek feared that deliberate policies to maintain full employment would lead to increasing state encroachment on the free market and political liberty.
Whether we believe those goals are just will depend on the extent to which they reflect our commitments to human welfare, liberty, equality, and individual responsibility--or whichever other values we may think deserve recognition in our society.
Equally important, had the EU not supported the creation of an administrative and social infrastructure of liberty, there might well have been a more serious communist or even fascist backlash in Poland, Hungary, and elsewhere.
Albania’s perceptions of NATO underwent a similar transformation: the imperialist aggressor became a champion of democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law.
Freedom of speech is a fundamental democratic liberty.
Our aim was to grant some basic rights to the nonhuman great apes: life, liberty, and the prohibition of torture.
To defend our liberty we need domestic democracy at least as much as a readiness to attack whatever "forces of evil" may exist elsewhere in the world.
But this liberty, empowering and encouraging the individual to choose what to be, complicates identity formation.
With a failed state, the foes of liberty will have little interest in creating a new order that safeguards people’s freedom, safety, and well-being.
When we refuse to protect those facing persecution, we not only endanger them; we subvert our principles of civil liberty and put our own freedom at risk.
In the long term, this is essentially an alliance of values: liberty, democracy, and the rule of law.
Each new terror alert or high-tech innovation, it seems, makes new demands on our liberty in the name of security.
If the United States somehow remains united after the ravages of Donald Trump’s predatory presidency, it will be thanks to the emotional resonance of the so-called American dream and shared allegiance to the promise, enshrined in the US Constitution’s Bill of Rights, of equal enjoyment of individual liberty.
The second, older and equally important, is liberty – that is, freedom.
Freedom comes in three varieties: political liberty, which takes the form of individual rights to free speech and association; religious liberty, which implies freedom of worship for all faiths; and economic liberty, which is embodied in the right to own property.
Elections without liberty do not constitute genuine democracy, and here Egypt faces a serious challenge: its best-organized group, the Muslim Brotherhood, rejects religious liberty and individual rights, especially the rights of women.
While elections are relatively easy to stage, liberty is far more difficult to establish and sustain, for it requires institutions – such as a legal system with impartial courts – that Egypt lacks, and that take years to build.
In other countries that have become democracies, the institutions and practices of liberty have often emerged from the working of a free-market economy.
Its economy is a variant of crony capitalism, in which economic success depends on one’s political connections, rather than on the meritocratic free-market competition from which liberty grows.
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