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Legislators in sentence

183 examples of Legislators in a sentence

British legislators will need to be satisfied that any new regime captures the right people, in the right way.
Facing them are some 22,000 registered lobbyists, whose mission is (among other goals) to sit down with legislators and draft legislation.
Costa Rica has just approved a law promoting electric trains, and legislators are debating a bill to provide incentives for electric vehicles and buses.
At a personal level, I am also afraid that Lugar’s defeat may be the end of an era of enormously attractive and distinctive civility in the way that America’s most senior legislators conducted themselves.
Gerrymandering, whereby state legislators redraw congressional districts to favor their own party, allows politicians to choose voters, rather than the other way around.
But that can happen only if enough legislators in both parties, and the president, remove their intellectual and political blinders and reach the long-term compromises needed to create jobs and increase incomes.
This remarkable evasion is the first time the House has not passed a budget since the procedural reforms 35 years ago created the congressional budget committees and rules that legislators were supposed to use to control deficits.
A fourth goal is to win over young legislators elected during this presidential election.
Legislators, prosecutors, and judges, in particular, need to understand what natural sciences, social sciences, and engineering can and cannot offer.
Néstor and Cristina will be dealing with a parliament that is much weakened: laws passed by legislators close to the government allow the president to “correct” the budget and issue “necessary and urgent” decrees that substitute for laws.
After all, it was many of those same lobbyists who in the past managed to convince legislators to insert clauses and provisions that contributed so much to the lax standards that created the systemic risks for which taxpayers are now being forced to pay.
But, partly owing to a Supreme Court decision and the obduracy of Republican governors and legislators, who in two dozen US states have refused to expand Medicaid (insurance for the poor) – even though the federal government pays almost the entire tab – 41 million Americans remain uninsured.
Wordsmithing a draft resolution, it can be argued, is what legislators are paid to do.
So endemic is the buying and selling of legislators that parliament looks a lot like a cattle market.
All legislators – whether pro- or anti-Trump, Republican or Democrat – must participate fully in the effort to reduce tensions, improve cooperation, and protect the US political system’s checks and balances.
Incompetent leaders blame legislatures for their failures; legislators blame presidents from rival parties.
With entire sessions lost to opposition disruptions, and with frequent adjournments depriving legislators of time for deliberation, the MPs elected in May 2009 passed fewer bills and spent fewer hours in debate than any of their predecessors.
Meanwhile, legislators have said they will work to transform the controversial anti-pornography bill into a more targeted anti-smut ordinance.
I was most fascinated, though, by the difference in legislators’ response to inequality now and in the past.
In a study of the congressional vote on the McFadden Act of 1927, which sought to boost competition in lending, Rodney Ramcharan of the US Federal Reserve and I found that legislators from districts with a highly unequal distribution of land holdings – farming was the primary source of income in many districts then – tended to vote against the act.
More inequality led legislators, at least in that case, to prefer less competition and less expansion in lending.
Why did twenty-first-century legislators behave differently?
Twenty-first-century legislators seemed to be more democratic, responding to their voters’ possibly misguided wishes, rather than primarily to powerful financial interests.
Indeed, once the unintended consequences of their actions – more financial duress for the non-rich after the crisis – became clear, Bertrand and Morse show that the legislators in unequal districts moved against the financial sector to protect their constituents, voting to set limits on interest rates charged by “payday” lenders (who lend to over-indebted lower-income borrowers at very high interest rates).
But there is a more important point: while there are many gaps between the intent and consequences of legislation, legislators do seem ultimately to care more about their less-moneyed constituents than they did in the past.
There is a popular belief that democratic systems support property and enterprise because votes and legislators can be bought, and the capitalists have the money.
Rather, it is a vehicle for corporate lobbyists to achieve what they have been unable to persuade legislators to support through normal means.
The TPP is being crafted in utmost secrecy, with even legislators unable to see the full text that is being negotiated, though corporate lobbyists have been treated as partners in the drafting process.
Indeed, though the US Constitution stipulates that the power to “regulate Commerce with foreign Nations” lies solely in the hands of Congress, the Obama administration is pressing legislators to approve so-called fast-track authority, under which they would have no say over either the TPP’s terms or the parties to it – or even the power to amend the treaty text in any way.
While legislators have many leadership skills, their management ability is usually unproven.
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