Large
in sentence
10236 examples of Large in a sentence
The Internet allows many political upstarts to amass a
large
following quickly, only to disappear just as fast.
Specifically, the question is not whether it can grow, but whether it can grow fast enough to propel a
large
economy that, according to the US Federal Reserve, faces “balance-sheet deleveraging, credit constraints, and household and business uncertainty about the economic outlook.”
The longer the policymaking impasse persists, the greater the stall-speed risk for an economy that already has an unemployment crisis, a
large
budget deficit, many underwater mortgages, and policy interest rates floored at zero.
Solar power plants thus could play the same role for energy that mobile phones did for telecommunications: rapidly reaching large, underserved communities in sparsely populated regions, without the need to invest in the cables and accompanying infrastructure that once would have been necessary.
The interdependence of all states –
large
or small, weak or powerful, democratic or authoritarian – has become the organizing principle of today’s international security system.
It had no choice: with financial turmoil threatening to spread from small countries like Greece and Ireland to
large
ones like Italy and Spain, the euro’s very survival was in growing jeopardy.
The ECB argued that taxpayers should pick up the entire tab for Greece’s bad sovereign debt, for fear that any private-sector involvement (PSI) would trigger a “credit event,” which would force
large
payouts on credit-default swaps (CDSs), possibly fueling further financial turmoil.
None of these problems has afflicted the region’s other
large
countries – or at least not to anywhere near the same extent.
To be sure,
large
swaths of Venezuelan society rightly felt excluded from the country’s cozy elite consensus and insular governing arrangements, and resented it immensely; but an aspiring middle class comprised roughly half the population.
This is precisely what a
large
amount of research in economics, sociology, psychology and political science has done for the US.
Finally, high oil prices in the past 12 months provided an unexpectedly
large
windfall to the Iraqi budget, allowing for the financing of other sectors without slighting the oil industry.
We economists were by and
large
capital boosters, and our magic formula for economic development was saving, investment, thrift, and wealth accumulation.
But we all know the outcome: while international capital flows soared, the
large
net flow of capital from rich to poor countries simply never materialized.
Because a mere 137 votes can get a town council member elected, a
large
number of foreigners with a particular interest in moving onto the island could nominate a winning candidate.
And is society better off if she, the chief legal counsel for a
large
corporation, spends much of her time standing in line?
And with Germany reconsidering its support for a French-backed plan to tax the revenue of
large
technology companies at the EU level, further progress is far from guaranteed.
Unfortunately, it will take more than tax breaks to bring
large
infrastructure projects from start to finish, and “shovel-ready” projects are few and far between.
And its impact on nominal demand can in principle be calibrated: A small amount will produce a potentially useful stimulus to either output or the price level, whereas a very
large
amount will produce excessive inflation.
History provides many examples of excessive monetary finance, from Weimar Germany to the many emerging economies where governments have pressured central banks to finance
large
fiscal deficits, with high inflation the inevitable result.
And in countries with a recent history of excessive monetary finance – for example, Brazil, which is still struggling to contain inflation amid political pressures for
large
deficit finance – that argument could be compelling.
There are essentially two solutions, but neither has been deployed on a
large
scale.
But this technology, called carbon capture and sequestration (CCS), is not yet proven on a
large
scale.
Because no economy had ever experienced such rapid growth on such a
large
scale, the only way to manage China’s development was, as Deng put it, to “cross the river by feeling the stones.”
The result, as everyone knows, was exorbitant financial gain for a select few, followed by
large
losses that were paid for by the many.
In the end, the decision on the quota system was settled by majority vote, rather than the usual – and much preferred – rule of consensus (though the majority was large, with only four of 28 countries opposed).
People who own capital that is already in place – such as
large
buildings in New York – will do well.
If demographics did not play a role, a
large
majority of countries, including Germany, the United States, Denmark, Italy, the Netherlands, France, Norway, and Argentina would not have generational imbalances; they might even record a surplus.
Moreover, whereas the US has a
large
and recurring trade deficit with China, the country typically posts a surplus with its southern neighbors, which traditionally favor the high-value goods and sophisticated services that US companies provide.
But China continues to work hard on many fronts to cement an advantageous position in Latin America, including by pouring
large
volumes of direct investment into the region.
But such systems are burdened by
large
administration and compliance costs.
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