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Judicial in sentence

457 examples of Judicial in a sentence

At the same time, the judicial process is such that judges have a substantial say in deciding whether a layoff decision is justified.
Too many question marks about their national unity are said to exist, too many internal conflicts linger, and their records on political and judicial reforms are supposedly dubious.
Will he tolerate and endorse his prime minister’s personal aversions, or is he willing to put an end to the infamous spectacle of a judicial process that has been manipulated and abused from beginning to end?
We must change laws, judicial systems, and attitudes that exonerate the perpetrators, and we must provide help to victims.
The current round of judicial activism is as much about rooting out corruption as previous rounds were about prosecuting the “deep state” and real coups – which is to say, not much at all.
He could have renounced the judicial dirty tricks and media manipulation that had enabled his regime to take hold.
This country with nearly 1 billion people has long shed what was mockingly called "the Hindu growth rate"--1 to 2% a year--and now regularly turns in a 6 or 7% annual growth in GNP every year, and could reach, if it found itself with a government that accelerates the pace of liberalization, a comfortable cruising speed of 8 to 9%, without the instability that plagues its competitors in east Asia and without the lack of political and judicial transparency that is China's main handicap.
Decades of lawlessness have given Mexico a corrupt judicial system, lack of legal protection for minority groups, massive tax evasion, organized crime, and police viewed more as a threat than source of protection.
But business activity remains bogged down by myriad restrictions and a frustratingly slow judicial system, which, together with a complex system of price subsidies, encourage widespread corruption at every level of government.
Moreover, it can provide renewed help for democratic institution-building: assisting judicial reform, raising anti-corruption awareness, and encouraging prosecution of even high-ranking offenders, as well as supporting engagement by civil-society groups.
The PiS is seizing full control not only over judicial decision-making in the present, but also over the past two decades of legal precedent.
The European Commission has initiated “infringement proceedings” against Poland in response to the PiS’s violations of judicial independence, and that could pave the way for the European Court of Justice to suspend the law’s validity until the matter is considered.
The situation today is no different: if the ECJ was going to block the PiS’s judicial reforms, it should have done so months ago.
This suggests that while Poles may not agree with the PiS’s judicial reforms, they are not keen to risk much for free courts – or for liberal-democratic principles generally.
Moreover, the PiS is exploiting the fact that a judicial strike would appear unseemly.
Fortunately, Israel’s judicial system remains independent and rests on foundations of proven integrity.
In these conditions, a strong judicial system and police force do not always suffice to contain corruption.
If a judicial bankruptcy process could work, the thinking goes, it would minimize the likelihood of taxpayer-financed bailouts and disruption of financial markets and the real economy.
Because the judicial system’s design assumes that everyone will operate within it, a powerful actor operating outside of it – and, indeed, actively undermining it – could produce a system failure.
Together with other similar cases, these trials raise serious questions about Ukraine’s judicial system and law enforcement agencies.
But, as Michael K. Young, President of Texas A&M University, has explained, because the US Constitution was fashioned when various states, which already had their own laws, agreed to create a political union, it functions like a set of ground rules for negotiations among states, as well as among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government.
It is thus ironic that four of Macron’s 15 initially selected cabinet members – including one of the president’s closest advisers – have been forced to resign following reports of alleged misconduct or misuse of public funds, even before any judicial ruling.
Moreover, individuals close to him and his administration have recently become entangled in the net of judicial manipulation, which suggests that he may be losing control over the police and the special courts.
Still, the new judicial procedure that Macron envisions will need to be examined carefully once it has been fleshed out.
Obama’s legacy at the Fed can be compared to former US President George W. Bush’s judicial legacy.
He continues to attack the free press and judicial independence, and encourages mob violence, including by neo-Nazis.
With myriad judicial and corruption scandals distorting the electoral process, there is now a growing disconnect between justice and democracy.
Addressing the glaring shortcomings in the country's judicial system should also be made a condition for support, both as an immediate and a long-term objective.
Sadly, fidelity to judicial independence and the rule of law cannot be guaranteed as thoroughly in the other cases.
Shinawatra’s looming trial in Thailand and Ibrahim’s repeat conviction in Malaysia lack even the fig leaf of judicial independence.
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