Invasion
in sentence
775 examples of Invasion in a sentence
In the aftermath of the US-led invasion, Iraq, a country of highly capable and diverse people that could one day return to its pivotal role in the Arab community, has become a playground for Iranian influence.
But democratic transformation in Hungary required an opposition strategy throughout the 1980’s: revolution wouldn’t work, as the Soviet
invasion
in 1956 showed.
Indeed, Russia’s annexation of Crimea and
invasion
of eastern Ukraine suggest that Putin gathers territories; he does not give them up – at least not without getting something in return.
This is the context in which we may see the
invasion
of Islamic taboos into the enlightened, mostly non-Islamic world.
For example, though China said little in public about Russia’s
invasion
and dismemberment of Georgia last summer, Russia is making a strategic mistake if it equates China’s public silence with tacit acquiescence in the Kremlin’s claim to “privileged” influence in the post-Soviet countries to China’s west.
Fearing the costs of an
invasion
of Gaza’s urban alleys, Israel handed a strategic victory to Hamas.
Many Czechs and Slovaks escaped to the West after the Communist takeover in 1948, and many more after the
invasion
by Warsaw Pact armies ended the Prague Spring in 1968.
As everyone now knows, and as many suspected at the time, the US-led
invasion
of Iraq in 2003 was based on false pretenses.
All these strategies use up energy that would otherwise be available for
invasion
into non-cancerous tissues or proliferation, and so reduce a cell’s fitness.
Another option –
invasion
and occupation – avoids the challenge of identifying nuclear sites.
The 2003
invasion
of Iraq granted the US unfettered access to all possible sites where weapons of mass destruction could be stored.
Likewise,
invasion
and occupation of either North Korea or Pakistan would require massive armies risking a bitter conventional war and possible use of the weapons against the invaders.
Many regard the UN's role as the guarantor of international law and legitimacy as self-evident, and now argue that its stature, undermined by the US-led invasion, must be quickly restored if the rule of law is to prevail internationally.
A full-scale
invasion
might well provoke Iraq’s own Kurdish guerrillas into a prolonged and bloody battle with Turkish forces that can only undermine support for Erdogan’s government at home and abroad.
An
invasion
of Iraq would bring that process to a grinding halt.
But, worst-case scenarios aside, a Turkish
invasion
of northern Iraq can only serve the interests of Turkey’s Kurdish separatists.
Now, tragically, a full-scale Russian
invasion
of Georgia has happened.
His justification for the
invasion
reads more like Brezhnev than Gorbachev.
Faced with an
invasion
of Russian state-minded companies, EU member states are tempted to ring-fence certain sectors of their economies (such as domestic energy markets), threatening the liberal economic order that is at the centre of the European project.
Russia, on the other hand, feels threatened by the
invasion
of western-funded non-governmental organizations.
America’s failure to take advantage of this opportunity, Clemons continued, would be its “biggest strategic error since the Iraq invasion.”
Iranians cannot forget the US-led coup that overthrew the nationalist Mohammad Mossadegh six decades ago, and Americans remain bitter about the
invasion
of the US embassy in Tehran in 1979, which resulted in more than 50 American diplomats and staff being held hostage for 444 days.
Inspection is better than
invasion.
To be sure, France has a tradition of independent-minded and pragmatic foreign policy, reflected in its opposition to the 2003 US-led
invasion
and occupation of Iraq.
The result was Al Qaeda, whose actions ultimately prompted President George W. Bush’s
invasion
of Afghanistan and provided a pretext for invading Iraq.
In the name of the “global war on terror,” they have tolerated torture; accepted – and even endorsed – the illegal
invasion
of Iraq; and allowed innocent civilians to become collateral damage of mechanical drone strikes.
In 1990, Europeans and Americans joined forces to reverse Iraq’s
invasion
and occupation of Kuwait.
When it appeared last summer that the Ukrainian government might win the war in Donbas, Putin ordered an
invasion
by regular Russian armed forces.
Indeed, though the sources of Saudi resentment toward the United States are many – support for Israel, negotiations with Iran, pressure on human rights – none is more important than the US-led
invasion
of Iraq in 2003.
An
invasion
of short-term capital flows fleeing the slow-growth, low-interest-rate advanced countries.
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