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Intellectuals in sentence

353 examples of Intellectuals in a sentence

After a century slowly fomenting among Chinese intellectuals, national sentiment has captured and redefined the consciousness of the Chinese people during the last two decades of China’s economic boom.
Its defeat, therefore, was seen as a successful Asian challenge to the West, in which China, its intellectuals felt, was represented by Japan.
In the decade since Orban first appeared on the scene - as a student leader at the reburial of Imre Nagy in June 1989 he defiantly called for the removal of all Soviet troops from Hungary - he has recast FIDESZ from a motley group of postgraduate liberal intellectuals into a disciplined (if more conservative) party.
When students took to the street in 2011, and other groups followed, leftist intellectuals interpreted this as a wholesale rejection of what they like to call “the model”: a market-based economy open to the world, with a large role for the private sector in the provision of public services such as health, education, and pensions.
Putin's Dictatorship of Law Begins LawlesslyBOSTON: Wide agreement exists among Russian intellectuals as well as foreign observers that one of the most important – if not the most important task – facing post-Soviet Russia is establishment of the rule of law, the foundation of democracy and a free market economy.
Iraq and a Great Leap for Chinese IntellectualsEven before images of the first cruise missile strikes on Baghdad reached Chinese TV screens, the country's intellectuals were debating the US-led war against Iraq and the government's response.
Han called pro-war Chinese intellectuals hopelessly na?ve and overly "immersed in the American dream."
Indeed, the debate revealed political fault lines among Chinese intellectuals that could never be openly exposed on domestic policy.
Ultimately, the two main camps of China's intelligentsia--the "neo-leftists" (xin zuo) and "old liberals" (lao you)--ask the question that has divided Chinese intellectuals for a century: what does it mean to be Chinese and also to be modern?
Both groups comprise scholars from numerous fields, state intellectuals serving in government think tanks, journalists and even some dissidents.
Unlike in Western countries, where intellectuals often engage in head-on public confrontations, most intellectuals in China speak obliquely.
The pedigreed intellectuals from liberal think tanks and universities who occupied positions of influence in President Barack Obama’s administration wouldn’t necessarily qualify as true professional technocrats.
In many countries, fears have even arisen of a prolonged period of slow and occasionally negative growth, persistent obstacles to reducing unemployment, and continued economic anxiety; or worse, of a Japanese-style “lost decade” with multiple recessions; or, even worse, of a depression, (which politicians and intellectuals have stoked in an attempt to justify continued massive government intervention in the economy for years to come).
After 70 years of denial, Russia’s leadership (if not yet ordinary Russians) were ready to admit that Joseph Stalin’s NKVD (precursor to the KGB) slaughtered more than 20,000 Polish officers, intellectuals, and clergy in the nearby Katyn forest in 1940.
A year ago, Chinese and Western intellectuals competed in dismissing popular interest in Tibet as a childlike confusion with the imaginary Shangri-la of the 1937 film Lost Horizon.
Rarely in the history of American politics has a small number of bookish intellectuals had so much influence on foreign policy as the neo-cons had under Bush and his vice president, Dick Cheney, neither of whom are noted for their deep intellectual interests.
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, gave neo-con intellectuals the chance to lend their brand of revolutionary idealism to the Bush/Cheney enterprise.
Intellectuals, usually powerless themselves outside the rarified preserves of think tanks and universities, are sometimes too easily attracted to powerful leaders, in the hope that such leaders might actually carry out their ideas.
The idealism of Japanese intellectuals in the 1930’s and early 1940’s was partly responsible for Japan’s catastrophic war to “liberate” Asia from Western imperialism.
Even though the arch-realist Henry Kissinger endorsed the war in Iraq, his brand of realpolitik was the primary target of neo-con intellectuals.
Journalists, politicians, and public intellectuals who should know better routinely argue not just that policies and proposals are wrong-headed, but that the proponents themselves must be evil to have enacted or suggested them.
Of course, not all important public voices belong to the "Serbomania chorus": in mid-April, a number of outstanding intellectuals published a manifesto standing up for NATO officially and urging the Romanian government not to backtrack.
Their anti-European animus, while crudely uninformed, reflects, among other factors, the scorn for secularism typical of Southern white evangelicals and the perverse notion promulgated by some distinguished Republican defense intellectuals that Europe today can contribute little or nothing to American security.
Restoring optimism, in both the Middle East and the West, will depend on whether intellectuals, unions, progressive parties, and civil-society groups can build a common political base and offer a shared vision for the future.
Reactionary French intellectuals dreamed of reinvigorating the nation.
For decades, senior Republican politicians and intellectuals have been uninterested in educating the American people about the realities of economic policy.
Saudi intellectuals attribute the lack of voter interest to the absence of free expression and assembly, which frustrates genuine political participation.
Indeed, the few trade unionists, intellectuals, and others who challenge these regimes usually do not seek to change how the state functions, but rather to ensure that, as they put it, they get their “turn to eat.”
And yet, he shares right-wing populists’ hostility to liberal academics, journalists, and intellectuals.
For demagogues to be able to stir up popular resentments against foreigners, cosmopolitans, intellectuals, and liberals, there must be wide and obvious financial, cultural, and educational disparities.
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