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Institutions in sentence

6844 examples of Institutions in a sentence

They will also facilitate cooperation with international organizations and development finance institutions, which can provide additional funds, while helping countries to upgrade their productive capacity.
By creating the diverse and conflicting private economic interests that are typical of a capitalist society, China has had to create a set of institutions to clarify and mediate the exercise of these rights.
As a result, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is facing growing demands from the country’s well-educated and affluent middle class for greater transparency and accountability in the institutions on which their careers and livelihoods depend.
These same leaders now must tolerate – even facilitate – the creation of institutions to mediate the conflicts over these rights that inevitably result.
These models, and the institutions using them, rely on a built-in theory of the economy, which enables them to “assume” certain relationships.
The trouble is that the steep escalation of enlargement coincides with a swing of opinion in a number of member countries in favor of a more intergovernmental EU, with more emphasis on cooperation between sovereign states and less attention to strengthening common EU institutions.
For example, the Dodd-Frank legislation specifies that all large financial institutions should draw up meaningful “living wills” – specifying how they could be allowed to fail, unencumbered by any kind of bailout, if they again became insolvent.
Fischer appears to prefer to rely on the resolution powers of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, which is empowered to takeover failing financial institutions, with the expectation that it will impose losses on creditors in such a way that will not cause global panic.
They do not apply across borders, there is not enough loss-absorbing capital in large complex financial institutions, and the funding structure of big bank holding companies remains precarious.
But unless the Fed acts on such concerns – including by implementing the requirement that large financial institutions adopt meaningful living wills – its independence will come under even greater pressure.
But, unlike his White House predecessors, Obama’s National Security Strategy recognizes the value of partnerships; attaches greater importance to the civilian dimension as opposed to the military; and stresses the value of dialogue and the need to reinforce international institutions.
The country would then focus on domestic issues such as economic development, improving its public institutions, and raising living standards.
Given that East Asia, unlike Europe after 1945, never experienced full reconciliation among rivals, or established strong regional institutions, it has been forced to depend on the US-Japan Security Treaty to underpin regional stability.
In the long run, the West should aim to help the Malian government to build state institutions and reconcile with its northern population.
They should widen the regulatory perimeter – that is, they should work to bring nonbank financial institutions under their regulatory umbrella.
The non-euro group – including Britain, Denmark, Sweden, Poland, and some other Eastern European countries – would continue to elect representatives to the European Parliament and participate fully in EU institutions.
Even though the vote of censure did not take place, it seems almost inevitable that the very fact of threatening such a vote will, at least temporarily, weaken the position of the Commission, as one of the European Union’s key institutions, and that it will correspondingly strengthen the position of the European Parliament.
If the democratic principle is not strengthened, it is most unlikely that the European Union will be able to deal satisfactorily with any of the massive challenges lying immediately ahead: making a success of the Single Currency, revising the Union’s spending policies, and reforming the Union’s existing policies and institutions.
Of course, we should strive to ensure that money is spent as productively as possible, but humans, and human institutions, are fallible, and there are costs to ensuring that money is well spent.
And, politically, there is a real danger that citizens will stop trusting institutions, both national and European, and be tempted by populist appeals, as in the past.
The challenge for Europeans and Americans today could hardly be greater: to cooperate in a very different context than the one for which the relationship and its institutions were designed – and to do so without any agreement on a new strategic framework.
After the Atlantic Charter came the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions, the global trade system, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and much more.
By this logic, international trade should be regulated not by rules and institutions, but through unilateral protectionist measures and arm-twisting.
And institutions like the EU – which aims to ensure order and stability through integration – are treated with indifference, if not disdain.
It would thus be a fateful mistake for Western powers to abandon the ideas and institutions that delivered prosperity and stability in previous decades.
What does this do to the legitimacy of governments, and of political institutions in general?
Their 1990 version of the Maastricht Treaty’s Article 25 on Prudential Supervision included the following provisions (placed in square brackets to show that they were not completely consensual): “The ECB may formulate, interpret, and implement policies relating to the prudential supervision of credit and other financial institutions for which it is designated as competent supervisory authority.”
But his credibility was sapped in the wake of criticism of the BoE’s handling of the collapse in 1991 of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International – an episode that anticipated later issues in managing the failure of large, cross-border institutions.
Rather than leading rich-country savers to invest their money in poor countries out of greed, liberalization of capital flows has led poor-country savers to park their money in rich countries out of fear – fear of political instability, macreconomic disturbances, and deficient institutions (especially those that protect the rights of bondholders and minority shareholders).
Economic institutions can have different effects, depending on their quality.
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