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Institutions in sentence

6844 examples of Institutions in a sentence

In this spirit of cooperation, the major multilateral development institutions – the African Development Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Islamic Development Bank, the United Nations, and the World Bank – have already begun to strengthen their joint efforts in producing and sharing development data.
The creation of these institutions is a slow process.
None mentioned the Trump administration’s rejection of international institutions, either, or the attacks on the domestic media and judiciary – which amounts to an assault on the system of checks and balances that underpins US democracy.
The treaties of Maastricht (1992) and Amsterdam (1997) created a new organizational structure for the EU and laid the foundations for political institutions equal to Europe’s economic power.
The EU will continue to be governed under the Nice Treaty of 2000, but this leaves no room for further political integration (or enlargement), nor does it ensure the effective functioning of the Union’s institutions.
At issue is not only the allocation of competencies, but also the more fundamental matter of when to rely on intergovernmental institutions and when to turn to the European people as a whole.
Only a new European debate that embodies the common action of European citizens and institutions can combat “alter-Europeanism” effectively.
For the first time, a country in the region is matching its aspirations with the concrete steps needed to become a viable candidate for eventual membership in Euro-Atlantic institutions.
Indeed, his broadside may effectively kill some of the reforms, currently being discussed at the EU Convention, which aim to streamline decision-making within the EU by creating institutions that would, in effect, give more power to countries with bigger populations.
But, while Europeans have created strong institutions with the euro and the ECB, they still lack an adequate political superstructure to confront the coming economic crisis.
And I would also recognize that EU institutions need reform, so that they manage the big picture, instead of the details.
Nonetheless, the EU and its institutions remain integral to efforts to respond to challenges that require a united front – challenges like those that Europe faces today.
The fact that the country has again become fashionable reflects the confusion in eurozone policymakers’ economic thinking and the folly of imitation across think tanks and international institutions.
Like Chile during Latin America’s period of financial volatility, Ireland’s crisis management was generally good, and high-quality outward-facing institutions, (such as the Industrial Development Authority and the National Treasury Management Agency) presented a consistent and positive image to the world.
For any believer in traditional European values, individual liberties – including economic freedom – and their associated responsibilities constitute the ultimate criteria for developing and assessing institutions, from the local to the European level.
Even if European institutions like the ECB continued to extend rescue operations, they could not compensate for a lack of reform.
Institutions matter at least as much as equipment if developing countries hope to join the global digital economy in any meaningful way.
Chinese strategic thinking about “political warfare” holds that an adversary’s political, social, and economic institutions – particularly the media – should be targeted before a shooting war ever begins.
Migrants’ remittance behavior is essentially dictated by the regulatory environment and the quality – in terms of speed, cost, security, and accessibility – of products and services offered by banks, money-transfer companies, micro-finance institutions, and informal operators.
Western Union charges fees as high as 25% on transfers to these countries, compared to an average global benchmark of 5%, and has required that Franc-Zone countries sign exclusivity agreements, thereby preventing foreign-exchange bureaux, post offices, and micro-finance institutions from carrying out money transfers.
When banks and other financial institutions get into trouble, private losses are transferred – explicitly or implicitly – to the government’s balance sheet.
And this steady transformation will have far-reaching implications for our democratic institutions and political structures.
As the China scholars Daniel A. Bell and Zhang Weiwei have noted, the major political alternative to Western liberal-democratic traditions are the communitarian institutions that continue to evolve in China.
That process gradually built the liberal international order, first with an aborted attempt after World War I – embodied in the ill-fated League of Nations – and then after World War II, with the founding of the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions.
The rest of us thought that these institutions could instill the wisdom, insight, and character of which we all wished we had more.
History has not been kind to societies that lose trust in the integrity of their leaders and institutions.
The years 1960 to 1985 formed the era in which development was to be financed by public institutions like the World Bank, because market failures and distrust of governments made it hard for poor countries to borrow privately.
But it also faced opposition from a variety of other, far less democratically minded, forces, including holdovers from Hosni Mubarak’s regime, who continue to wield influence in official institutions.
In order to build such a multi-currency system, however, the world would need to undertake far-reaching reforms of the international institutions.
As Zhou pointed out, the US dollar’s monetary dominance is underpinned by the Bretton Woods institutions, created after World War II.
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