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Institutions in sentence

6844 examples of Institutions in a sentence

Most of the institutions we have are associations of states, and states usually put their own interests ahead of the commonweal.
Moreover, there is no consensus on the need for better international institutions.
To achieve any of them they usually seek to nudge inflation expectations, demonstrate the transparency of monetary policy, and establish their institutions’ credibility.
These countries’ need to establish policy credibility tends to be more acute, whether as a result of histories of high inflation, an absence of credible institutions, or political pressure to monetize budget deficits.
At the same time, China’s recent efforts to build the institutions of an alternative financial architecture – spearheaded by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New (BRICS) Development Bank – stand in sharp contrast to an increasingly inward-looking US.
In the long run, the US and EU should support civil society organizations in pressing Moldova’s government to guarantee more equitable distribution of television time, to stop police harassment of opposition political leaders and workers as well as journalists, to reform the police and end the ruling party’s abuse of state institutions, and to allow all political parties more opportunity to inspect election rolls and monitor polling stations.
If anything, EU institutions should be looking at intra-eurozone accounts.
The task force offers specific recommendations for academic institutions, national policymaking bodies, and other stakeholders, such as science academies, industry associations, and civil-society organizations.
For academic institutions, one major goal should be to build students’ capacity for creative thinking and critical inquiry.
And it has called on all institutions to embrace meritocracy and shun gimmicks likes paying for “collaborations” to boost publications.
The hope is that once the first group of universities’ efforts begin to bear fruit, more institutions will join.
Multilateral development institutions have probably had their most consistent success when they serve as “knowledge” banks, helping to share experience, best practices, and technical knowledge across regions.
That said, there are huge infrastructure needs across developing Asia, and it is high time for China to play a greater role in international lending institutions.
Moreover, the official US argument – that China should invest its money in existing institutions, such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, because a Chinese-led bank would likely have governance problems – smacks of hypocrisy.
Anyone who has worked in developing countries understands that weak institutions and poor governance are often far bigger obstacles to growth than a lack of funds.
Given the legacy of problematic loans and projects funded by Western-led infrastructure banks, it is reasonable to ask whether another one is needed, as opposed to reforming existing institutions.
The impact on the global system, with its existing structure of multilateral institutions (such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization) and myriad standard-setting and consensus-building organizations, may be smaller than one thinks.
Indeed, oil rents eventually weaken state institutions, and this hollowing out of the state often gives rise to growing discontent.
With the entrenchment of a particular ideology or mode of thinking, monetary policymakers increasingly missed – by choice or inertia – opportunities to change, reinvigorate, and improve the running of these vital institutions.
First, the crisis was precipitated by the peculiarities of the US real-estate market, by government incentives for increased homeownership, and in imprudent lending by financial institutions.
Second, perverse incentives led financial institutions to assume excessive risks.
For individual institutions, this was not seen as a problem, because they were protected by the logic of being “too big to fail.”
With dollar financing by the Federal Reserve available to large institutions, the Fed became the equivalent of a world central bank.
Finally, once the crisis erupted, the fiscal consequences of bailing out too-big-to-fail financial institutions contributed to rapid public-debt unsustainability, which threatens to boomerang on the banking sector.
As a consequence, to the extent that European union is thought of in predominantly liberal economic terms, support for new European institutions may be in jeopardy.
The resource curse means, of course, that Russian elites will prefer to postpone restructuring the economy and modernizing the country’s political and economic institutions.
Such institutions are difficult to build in every society.
These firms have no interest in developing modern institutions that protect private property and promote the rule of law.
Yet Russia’s public institutions remain as weak as ever (for example, corruption is as prevalent as it was 10 years ago, if not more so), and the economy is no less dependent on commodity prices.
Hence, the sales that Prime Minister Putin announced will not increase the demand for pro-market institutions.
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