Inequality
in sentence
2932 examples of Inequality in a sentence
Rising inequality, then, is not just a question of income, wealth, and power; it is, literally, a matter of life and death.
This may explain why
inequality
has shot to the top of the political agenda in the US and Europe in recent years.
In his 2016 Democratic primary campaign, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, a self-proclaimed socialist, condemned America’s rising
inequality
and actually came closer to being elected president than many had expected.
Having now realized that
inequality
can hinder economic growth, the IMF has begun to discuss the inequality-growth relationship with several of its members.
Some observers have disparaged the IMF for this new approach, and argue that increased
inequality
simply reflects what people have voted for.
But those who claim that
inequality
is something to be desired are akin to those who argue that unemployment is always voluntary, as some economists still insist.
In fact, when
inequality
rises, democracy suffers, which is why the demotion of the US in one prominent ranking of the world’s democracies is not particularly surprising.
In particular, what makes the Nordic model so attractive is the modest and honest exercise of government power; near-equality between men and women; a low level of income inequality; and relatively humane treatment of immigrants.
In the years leading up to the crisis,
inequality
rose in many countries, with worrisome consequences for social cohesion.
Rising
inequality
may also have increased vulnerability to crisis: with fewer people able to dip into savings during bad times, the impact on growth is even larger.
Consensus is emerging in a few areas: the new goals should address the unfinished MDGs; they should include not only poverty, but also planetary limits, including climate change; and they should be universal in scope, addressing challenges such as widening
inequality
in poor and rich countries alike.
An
Inequality
TaxThe economic booms in China and India have helped to reduce global
inequality.
But, at the same time, many of the world’s truly poor countries have fallen further behind (particularly in Africa, where developments are often described as catastrophic), and
inequality
within most countries has risen.
Widening
inequality
has been recorded in the United States (starting with Ronald Reagan’s administration), the United Kingdom (starting with Margaret Thatcher), Russia during its privatization, and more recently in China and India.
These developments seem to add to global
inequality.
So, on balance, it seems that global
inequality
has been relatively stable during the last two decades.
Many think that no global action to fight economic
inequality
is necessary.
This is why international action to address both global poverty and global
inequality
is needed.
They will ultimately realize that their self-interest lies in supporting some form of global action to deal with both poverty and
inequality.
As John Kenneth Galbraith pointed out in his 1958 book The Affluent Society, “…
inequality
has ceased to preoccupy men’s minds.”
To help overcome this barrier, governments should treat generational
inequality
with the same sense of urgency as other forms of inequality, accelerating efforts to introduce youth quotas for political parties, parliaments, and other decision-making institutions.
Consider just a few examples: Anat Admati and Simon Johnson have advocated radical banking reforms;Thomas Piketty and Tony Atkinson have proposed a rich menu of policies to deal with
inequality
at the national level;Mariana Mazzucato and Ha-Joon Chang have written insightfully on how to deploy the public sector to foster inclusive innovation;Joseph Stiglitz and José Antonio Ocampo have proposed global reforms;Brad DeLong, Jeffrey Sachs, and Lawrence Summers (the very same!) have argued for long-term public investment in infrastructure and the green economy.
Economic
inequality
is deeper than ever.
Addressing
inequality
requires measuring educational outcomes, rather than school enrollment rates.
If the handoff fails, the financial volatility experienced earlier this year will not only return; it could also turn out to have been a prologue for a notable risk of recession, greater inequality, and enduring financial instability.
If countering
inequality
and promoting intergenerational opportunity introduces some marginal inefficiencies and blunts some incentives, it is more than worth the price.
Public provision of critical basic services like education or health care may never be as efficient as private-sector alternatives; but where efficiency entails exclusion and
inequality
of opportunity, public provision is not a mistake.
And, whereas France ranks higher for some social indicators related to health care, income inequality, and poverty prevention, the price for this performance has been a steady rise in public spending and debt.
The anti-reform lobbies reacted by arguing that poverty and
inequality
had worsened.
They point to worsening income inequality, as images beamed worldwide from post-hurricane New Orleans illustrated all too clearly.
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