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Inequality in sentence

2932 examples of Inequality in a sentence

Deep income inequality means that society is organized as a wealth-based hierarchy.
One problem in the past was that income inequality – and its link to social and health problems – was overlooked in comparison to measures of national wealth, such as average income (GDP per capita).
But, as leading economists and institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Economic Forum are coming to realize, income inequality is a serious problem for economic stability and growth, too.
Now, it has debunked the 1980s myth that “greed is good,” and has revealed the extensive damage inequality causes.
Now that we know how inequality harms the health of societies, individuals, and economies, reducing it should be our top priority.
Anyone advocating policies that increase inequality and threaten the wellbeing of our societies is taking us for fools.
That dynamic characterized the 30 years or so after World War II: growth rates were relatively high across a wide range of countries; their benefits were broadly shared within countries; and the rise of developing countries reduced global inequality.
This new pattern – which persisted through the 1980s and 1990s, and accelerated after 2000 – caused inequality to rise sharply, weakening the foundations of globalization.
Some have taken steps to reduce inequality, such as redistribution through the tax system, social security and education systems, various kinds of social protection, and support for effective retraining.
The Economic Policy Trump Should PursueLONDON – As Donald Trump assumes the US presidency, a group of 35 prominent international business leaders, led by Unilever CEO Paul Polman and me, is stepping forward to defend open markets, endorse the fight against climate change, and demand a massive push against global inequality.
His government can claim to have reduced poverty from 35% to 22% of the population, and also to have maintained a trend towards lower inequality, with the Gini coefficient – a 0-1 scale of wealth concentration – declining from 0.583 in 2003 to 0.548 in 2008.
Pro-Growth is Not Pro-PoorCOLLEGE PARK, MARYLAND – Zia Qureshi recently argued that economic growth is the way out of inequality – and, by extension, poverty.
In fact, there is ample reason to believe that the world will never grow its way out of inequality and poverty, and that redistribution is our only hope for greater social justice.
These programs yielded modest growth at best; what they did succeed in boosting was poverty, inequality, and social protest.
Prior to the neoliberal Reagan-Thatcher “revolution” of the 1980s, the economic consensus was that inequality and poverty were inherent to capitalism, and that a strong, well-financed government was needed to balance a market economy’s inevitable adverse effects on the distribution of income and wealth.
To be sure, even then, some conservative economists argued that growing economies could produce inequality for a time, but eventually greater equality would prevail.
They could not avoid talking about poverty, but inequality became an almost forbidden topic.
The Nobel laureate economist Robert Lucas spoke for many when he dismissed the importance of inequality: “Of the tendencies that are harmful to sound economics, the most seductive, and in my opinion the most poisonous, is to focus on questions of [income] distribution.”
It is becoming increasing clear that the result of 35 years of pro-growth policies has been an almost unprecedented rise in income and wealth inequality.
A new focus on inequality – most notably by Thomas Piketty – has helped stimulate a resurgence of economic thinking like that advocated by Joseph Stiglitz, Anthony Atkinson, Paul Krugman, and Robert Solow.
Many are now arguing not only that economic growth does not in itself reduce poverty and inequality, but also that pro-equity policies and conditions lead to faster and better economic growth.
Indeed, some economists now argue for a two-pronged attack on inequality: redistributive measures alongside market interventions to bolster wages and employment.
But, to borrow Thatcher’s old slogan, if we are serious about reducing poverty and inequality, “There is no alternative.”
Above all, we live in an era of rising inequality and falling income shares for labor relative to capital.
The angst over AI mostly focuses on inequality and the future of work.
Across China’s government, a quiet but resolute commitment to fostering a new growth model that corrects the distortions created by decades of double-digit growth – including corruption, pollution, rising inequality, and other structural imbalances – is taking root.
But it also caused serious problems – such as environmental damage, inequality, excessive debts, overcapacity, and corruption – to flourish.
When things go wrong – as is likely, given mounting social strains caused by rising inequality, environmental degradation, and deteriorating public services – China’s alienated masses could become politically radicalized.
In this context, no one country can address key challenges such as climate change, rising inequality, and disruptive technology in isolation from others.
For example, tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy not only exacerbate inequality at home, but also fuel a global race to the bottom that undermines fiscal sustainability and increases inequality worldwide.
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