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Inequality in sentence

2932 examples of Inequality in a sentence

Another is economic inequality, which seems largely to be worsening, as wealth becomes increasingly concentrated at the top of the income distribution.
Inequality seems likely to continue to undermine aggregate demand, even if GDP growth accelerates in the short term.
On inequality, success will require stronger and more flexible labor markets.
Countries like Ecuador, hobbled by massive external debt, poor infrastructure, a corrupt ruling class, and yawning inequality, need international agreements akin to those of the European Union that help reduce debt burdens, boost technology transfer, and promote social and economic justice.
Inequality, especially when paired with corruption, is devastating for the status quo.
As I explain in my book The Price of Inequality, much of the rise in US economic inequality is attributable to a government in which the rich have disproportionate influence –& and use that influence to entrench themselves.
In terms of economic policy for the next four years, the main cause for post-election celebration is that the US has avoided measures that would have pushed it closer to recession, increased inequality, imposed further hardship on the elderly, and impeded access to health care for millions of Americans.
A comprehensive program to increase economic opportunity and reduce inequality is also needed – its goal being to remove, within the next decade, America’s distinction as the advanced country with the highest inequality and the least social mobility.
As Bill and Melinda Gates will discuss at a gathering of world leaders next week in New York, and show in a new report, collective action is needed to address the various dimensions of gender inequality and drive progress.
As I wrote in my chapter, “Some problematic areas identified in the Kerner Report have gotten better (participation in politics and government by black Americans – symbolized by the election of a black president), some have stayed the same (education and employment disparities), and some have gotten worse (wealth and income inequality).”
Other chapters discuss one of the most disturbing aspects of America’s racial inequality: inequality in securing access to justice, reinforced by a system of mass incarceration largely targeted at African-Americans.
Moreover, we now recognize that the US is paying a high price for inequality, and an especially high price for its racial inequality.
Just as cheap mortgage financing papered over the cracks of growing income inequality in the United States, cheap capital from the north accelerated Europe’s apparent economic convergence.
But income inequality was worsening steadily in all member countries, with more highly educated citizens benefiting from the booming services industry, while the less educated suffered as manufacturing moved to cheaper locations.
Then, the global financial crisis struck, income inequality rose sharply, and the post-Wall generation in southern Europe suffered the largest drop in living standards since WWII.
Throughout the eurozone, rising income inequality has created an underclass that is increasingly suspicious of the monetary union.
Even with Social Security’s mildly redistributive effect, poverty and inequality in America are increasing.
Inequality appears to have been on the rise in recent decades at the international level and in most countries.
Governments need to play a developmental role, with implementation of integrated policies designed to support inclusive output and employment growth, as well as to reduce inequality and promote social justice.
True, over the last 25 years, US per capita growth has been faster; but Japan’s economy is not disfigured by the massive increase in inequality that has left many American workers facing stagnant real wages throughout that period.
Furthermore, the understanding generated by social choice theorists’ study of group decisions has helped some research that is not directly a part of social choice theory – for example, on the forms and consequences of gender inequality, or on the causation and prevention of famines.
In 2008, demand was also depressed by the huge increases in inequality that had occurred over the preceding quarter-century.
We would have had stronger aggregate demand if we had done more to address inequality, and if we had not pursued policies that increased it.
Add to that enduring income, racial, and gender inequality, and frustration with the current system is not surprising.
Such concentration effects go a long way toward explaining rising economic inequality.
Research by Cesar Hidalgo and his colleagues at MIT reveals that, in countries where sectoral concentration has declined in recent decades, such as South Korea, income inequality has fallen.
In those where sectoral concentration has intensified, such as Norway, inequality has risen.
The Stanford economists Nicholas Bloom and David Price confirmed this finding, and argue that virtually the entire increase in income inequality in the US is rooted in the growing gap in average wages paid by firms.
This implies that investments in education and skills training, while necessary, will not be sufficient to reduce inequality.
That view is backed up by the polls’ most striking results: very widespread rejection of inequality based on race, ethnicity, or sex.
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