Inequality
in sentence
2932 examples of Inequality in a sentence
These people favor government intervention, because they believe that, left to their own devices, markets will not ensure fairness, and may even generate more
inequality.
Moreover, a high percentage of conservatives say the best way to reduce
inequality
is to lower taxes on businesses and people.
As a relatively small number of people have claimed a growing piece of the pie, in the form of rents and profits, surging
inequality
of wealth and income has fueled widespread frustration with existing economic and political arrangements.
As the value of mechanical skills in the labor market declines and income
inequality
rises, this difference is likely to become increasingly pronounced.
Unless we transform education systems to ensure more equitable access to quality schooling,
inequality
will become ever-more entrenched.
Is it similar to other global challenges like climate change, poverty, or
inequality?
In an Africa bereft of successful populist politicians, Zuma’s role models may come from Latin America, where income
inequality
is also extreme and the trade-union movement, as in South Africa, is strong and militant.
Such action will probably have to wait until the political consequences of low growth, high inequality, mistrust of international trade and investment, and the loss of central-bank independence become too great to bear.
If economic growth is seen as being dependent on the cost competitiveness of exports, governments will focus on things that might make sense for exporters, but not for their economies as a whole, such as labor-market policies aimed at artificially holding down wage growth, which redistributes income from labor to capital and exacerbates
inequality.
In short, cutting the proportion of national income accounted for by wages, accepting a secular rise in inequality, and boosting the proportion of national income accounted for by corporate profits is no way to deliver sustainable economic growth.
In an era when the benefits of multilateralism are being questioned precisely as we draw closer to the planet’s ecological limits, income
inequality
is growing, and innovation and technology are transforming how people learn and work, the world needs a more equitable and cooperative approach to globalization.
Income and wealth
inequality
in the United States has grown steadily since the global financial crisis erupted in 2008, but monetary-policy normalization could mark the beginning of the end of this trend.
Strikingly, one hour north of Wall Street, in Bridgeport, Connecticut, the Gini coefficient – a standard measurement of income distribution and
inequality
– is worse than in Zimbabwe.
The causes of rising income and wealth
inequality
are multiple and nuanced; but the unintended consequences of the recent unprecedented period of ultra-loose monetary policy deserves a chunk of the blame.
Of course, a multitude of political reforms, each with potential positive implications for welfare, could reduce the extent of
inequality
further.
The Fed may have just signaled that the beginning of this necessary dynamic, perhaps the key inflection point of the
inequality
trend, is finally here.
Asia needs to adjust to a new era of more moderate growth, while addressing widespread
inequality
and improving sustainability.
If nominal interest rates are lower than the real return on investment – associated with GDP growth – the result is financial repression and increased income and wealth
inequality.
The non-residential construction boom this created helped not only to absorb the labor force that was leaving rural areas but also to achieve a remarkable reduction in
inequality.
The moral case for a wealth tax is more compelling than usual today, with unemployment still at recession levels, and with deep economic
inequality
straining social norms.
People hardly need additional data to recognize, say, a rise in
inequality
or mistreatment of immigrants.
Nigeria’s radical gender
inequality
reflects a widespread tolerance of discrimination against girls, which facilitates the brutal actions of extremist groups like Boko Haram and creates fertile ground for traffickers.
Like almost everything else in social life, the relationship between equality and economic performance is likely to be contingent rather than fixed, depending on the deeper causes of
inequality
and many mediating factors.
So the emerging new consensus on the harmful effects of
inequality
is as likely to mislead as the old one was.
Consider, for example, the relationship between industrialization and
inequality.
In a poor country where the bulk of the workforce is employed in traditional agriculture, the rise of urban industrial opportunities is likely to produce inequality, at least during the early stages of industrialization.
In China, for example, rapid economic growth after the late 1970s was associated with a significant rise in
inequality.
Even though
inequality
has been reduced in Venezuela (for the time being), the economy’s growth prospects have been severely weakened.
Latin America is the only world region where
inequality
has declined since the early 1990s.
If pay differentials have narrowed because of an increase in the relative supply of skilled workers, we can be hopeful that declining
inequality
in Latin America will not stand in the way of faster growth (and may even be an early indicator of it).
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