Inequality
in sentence
2932 examples of Inequality in a sentence
In the US, income
inequality
has steadily widened under both Democratic and Republican administrations.
Adding to the challenges of the policy debate are assertions that
inequality
is unimportant.
Those who argue for de-emphasizing income
inequality
maintain that public policy should seek to ensure that all citizens enjoy basic living standards – nutritious food, adequate shelter, quality health care, and modern infrastructure – rather than aiming to narrow the gap between rich and poor.
Indeed, some contend that income
inequality
drives economic growth and that redistributive transfers weaken the incentive to work, in turn depressing productivity, reducing investment, and ultimately harming the wider community.
Widening
inequality
provides fodder for political unrest, as citizens watch their prospects decline.
Reports that just 158 wealthy donors provided half of all campaign contributions in the first phase of the 2016 US presidential election cycle highlight the worry that income
inequality
can lead to political
inequality.
As difficult a puzzle as income
inequality
may seem today, failing to solve it could lead to far more severe challenges.
For example, it must tackle growing income inequality, driven largely by the massive disparity between urban and rural incomes, though the income gap among urban residents is also widening.
According to China Household Financial Survey data, China’s Gini coefficient – the most common measure of
inequality
– climbed from 0.283 in 1983 to 0.491 in 2008, reaching highs of 0.61 in 2010 and 0.60 in 2012 (much higher than the official figures of 0.481 and 0.474, respectively).
If China fails to contain inequality, its long-term growth could suffer.
It should not be surprising that many Americans hold this view; polls show that even in an era of rising inequality, a significant share of voters continue to favor a flat tax.
Yes, there have been many problems, notably bouts of staggering
inequality
and increasingly horrific wars.
By contrast, “psychosocial” theories suggest that it is the psychological experience of
inequality
– the feelings of inferiority or superiority generated by social hierarchies – that matters.
Two of my colleagues at the University of Chicago, Marianne Bertrand and Adair Morse, offer an intriguing answer: growing income
inequality.
This is one of the first detailed studies of the adverse effects of income
inequality
that I have seen.
It goes beyond the headline-grabbing “1%” debate to show that even the everyday
inequality
that most Americans face – between the incomes of, say, typical readers of this commentary and the rest – has deep pernicious effects.
Equally interesting is the link that the study finds between income
inequality
and pre-crisis economic policy.
Republican Congressmen from districts with higher levels of income
inequality
were more likely to vote for legislation to expand housing credit to the poor in the years before the crisis (almost all Democrats voted for such legislation, making it hard to distinguish their motives).
I was most fascinated, though, by the difference in legislators’ response to
inequality
now and in the past.
More
inequality
led legislators, at least in that case, to prefer less competition and less expansion in lending.
Supporters of the US administration might fairly argue that it is undertaking long-deferred maintenance on issues such as income
inequality.
And when the changes give rise to particularly high levels of inequality, redistributive measures are needed.
The region’s performance during the global financial crisis has not hidden fundamental problems: the heavy burden of an unrealized agenda of social inclusion and a combination of
inequality
and injustice that could turn lethal in the near future.
Political parties appear far removed from citizen demands, beset by internal divisions, incapable of addressing deep-rooted
inequality
and lawlessness, and prone to populist or authoritarian leadership that promises quick fixes to entrenched problems.
Great inequality, built up over generations, does not become a source of great popular resentment.
The Gini coefficient, a widely-used measure of inequality, shows no sign of falling and remains one of the highest in the world.
In a world where
inequality
is a major concern and appetite for radical change is high, what should the world make of these experiences?
Inequality
has not fallen; but, contrary to what some critics claim, it has not increased either.
Aided by advanced information technology, financial institutions will be democratized and made available to everyone, which will go a long way toward solving today's problems of increasing
inequality
and declining economic vitality.
The combined effect of many different financial innovations will be to blunt the impact of capitalist risk on our individual lives, helping to reduce economic uncertainty and
inequality.
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