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Inequality in sentence

2932 examples of Inequality in a sentence

To be sure, the US is plagued by rising economic inequality, regional and rural-urban income disparities, job insecurity, declining social mobility, and political polarization.
We must find new ways to combat inequality and protect the most vulnerable.
Hunger is widespread; indeed, poverty and inequality have fueled much of the popular mobilization in the region.
The Instability of InequalityNEW YORK – This year has witnessed a global wave of social and political turmoil and instability, with masses of people pouring into the real and virtual streets: the Arab Spring; riots in London;Israel’s middle-class protests against high housing prices and an inflationary squeeze on living standards; protesting Chilean students; the destruction in Germany of the expensive cars of “fat cats”;India’s movement against corruption; mounting unhappiness with corruption and inequality in China; and now the “Occupy Wall Street” movement in New York and across the United States.
The causes of their concern are clear enough: high unemployment and underemployment in advanced and emerging economies; inadequate skills and education for young people and workers to compete in a globalized world; resentment against corruption, including legalized forms like lobbying; and a sharp rise in income and wealth inequality in advanced and fast-growing emerging-market economies.
For example, the rise in inequality has many causes: the addition of 2.3 billion Chinese and Indians to the global labor force, which is reducing the jobs and wages of unskilled blue-collar and off-shorable white-collar workers in advanced economies; skill-biased technological change; winner-take-all effects; early emergence of income and wealth disparities in rapidly growing, previously low-income economies; and less progressive taxation.
The increase in private- and public-sector leverage and the related asset and credit bubbles are partly the result of inequality.
But cutting jobs weakens final demand further, because it reduces labor income and increases inequality.
Three decades of relative social and economic stability then ensued, from the late 1940’s until the mid-1970’s, a period when inequality fell sharply and median incomes grew rapidly.
Even an alternative “Asian” growth model – if there really is one – has not prevented a rise in inequality in China, India, and elsewhere.
As inequality across countries has declined, inequality within countries has surged – to the point that the reversal of priorities was probably inevitable.
Well-targeted public investment can raise productivity and boost living standards, ameliorate concerns about inequality, and address Germany’s economic weaknesses.
Of course, demographics is not an exact science: Much depends on assumptions about age profiles, standards of living, inequality, and so on, and sooner or later the Muslim fertility rate will converge with the national average.
Sounding the alarm on inequality, the Bank of Italy calculates that the combined wealth of the ten richest Italians equals that of three million of their poorest countrymen.
But it also could lead to the marginalization of some groups, exacerbate inequality, create new security risks, and undermine human relationships.
Moreover, income and wealth inequality is rising again: poorer households are at greater risk of unemployment, falling wages, or reductions in hours worked, all leading to lower labor income, whereas on Wall Street outrageous bonuses have returned with a vengeance.
In an era of growing inequality and joblessness, Ahn’s criticism of the chaebol is both smart economics and smart politics.
This can be discerned in the data, though in the United States a large part of the increase in inequality is due not to this logic but to the rise of what Piketty calls “super-managers,” who earn extremely high salaries (though he does not tell us why).
Behind the growth of wealth and inequality lies not just capital, but also knowhow.
Indeed, as world financial leaders gather for the annual IMF/World Bank spring conference in Washington, DC, the rapid pace of technological change and rising inequality are fueling ever louder calls for root-and-branch revision of the entire system.
To be sure, rising inequality, wage stagnation, and working-class frustration are evident across the developed world.
To explain the rise in inequality that began in the 1980s and has accelerated since the turn of the century, many have pointed out that indicators of globalization, such as the trade-to-GDP ratio, have also risen since 1980.
But does that correlation imply a causal link between trade and inequality?
As Columbia’s Xavier Sala-i-Martin pointed out in 2002 and 2006, even as inequality has risen in nearly every country, inequality across countries has decreased, owing largely to the success of developing countries like China and India in raising their per capita incomes since the 1980s.
As Pinelopi Goldberg and Nina Pavcnik reported in 2007, the expectation that trade would reduce inequality in the countries with the most unskilled workers, because their services are in greater demand in an integrated world market, has not been borne out.
Ten years later, inequality continues to worsen within developing countries, including the so-called BRICS emerging economies.
But there is clearly more to current inequality trends than trade.
Inequality is clearly a serious problem that merits political attention.
Moreover, social services and social security will need to be strengthened in order to reverse a pattern of rising inequality.
Indeed, in virtually all advanced economies, high levels of inequality, strains on the middle class, and aging populations will fuel political strife in a context of unemployment and scarce fiscal resources.
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