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Industrial in sentence

2197 examples of Industrial in a sentence

Fiat's crisis may see the country lose its last great internationally competitive industrial enterprise.
The only economic policy put into effect took the form of industrial subsidies.
As to Fiat, Berlusconi's government failed to put forward a Thatcherite scheme aimed at bringing in foreign capital to salvage both it and other declining industrial enterprises.
Because divestment by multinational companies often resulted in fire sales of industrial facilities to regime allies, sanctions may have done more to empower and enrich reactionary elements than to catalyze social change.
Marx’s comparative advantage was to read Hegel and create a narrative in which history is the history of class struggle, with the newly emergent industrial proletariat destined to develop “class consciousness” and overthrow the political and economic order created by the bourgeoisie.
Small groups of Palestinians smash up the remains of Gaza’s bombed industrial infrastructure – the concrete blocks that litter the sandy landscape.
Before 2007, global growth (using the IMF’s methodology) was in the 4.5-5% range, based on steady productivity improvements in industrial countries and rapidly rising living standards in large emerging markets such as China, Brazil, and Russia.
Leading industrial economies have demonstrated remarkable resilience in the face of large negative financial-sector shocks over the past decade – as has China.
For the first time, developing countries seem willing to undertake the kinds of commitments that Europe, Japan, and the other advanced industrial countries (except the US) have made to avoid what could be a global disaster.
Similarly, whereas the official White House statement asserts that China will purchase “very substantial” farm, energy, and industrial exports from the US, China’s statement says only that it will import more US goods.
In the industrial world – even in the United States, an increasingly important producer of petroleum – low oil prices are unambiguously good for the economy in the short term.
After a massive gas well explosion killed 243 people in southwest China last December, China's State Council and National People's Congress have announced new rules for industrial safety.
China and other developing Asian economies are experiencing an industrial accident crisis of world-historical proportions.
Even though China instituted new initiatives in industrial safety at the beginning of 2003, official estimates indicate that industrial accident deaths increased by almost 10% last year.
Because workplace safety and industrial accident compensation turned out to be critical early tests of western legal systems' administrative capacity to deal with the systemic problems of industrial free-market societies.
Never mind that industrial policies are a time-tested strategy for developing countries seeking to avoid the dreaded middle-income trap by shifting from imported to indigenous innovation.
China is accused by the USTR of sponsoring a unique strain of state-directed, heavily subsidized industrial policy unfairly aimed at snatching competitive supremacy from free and open market-based systems like the US, which are supposedly playing by different rules.
Yet even developed countries have relied on industrial policy to achieve national economic and competitive objectives.
NASA-related spinoffs, the Internet, GPS, breakthroughs in semiconductors, nuclear power, imaging technology, pharmaceutical innovations, and more: all are important and highly visible manifestations of industrial policy the American way.
But to claim that China alone relies on industrial policy as a means toward this end is the height of hypocrisy.
The rich North cannot continue as before, emerging industrial countries must leave the old industrial-based path to prosperity, and the rest of the world may not even embark upon it.
The idea is that, in the future, all states will be allocated a national per-capita emissions budget that links three core elements of a fair global climate deal: the major industrial countries’ historical responsibility, individual countries’ current performance capacity, and global provision for the survival of mankind.
But much wasteful investment has inevitably followed: massive apartment blocks in second- and third-tier cities that will never be occupied, and heavy industrial sectors, such as steel and cement, that suffer from chronic overcapacity.
But, in most rich industrial countries nowadays, the role of family in the transmission of economic resources is reviving, with huge flows of wealth from old to young, primarily in the form of high-priced houses.
The liberal bureaucracy, in its attempt to privatise state property as soon as possible and thus create a class of proprietors to ensure the stability of market reforms, lost control over capital movements in the financial sphere, allowing several big financial industrial groups to become what was later termed the "oligarchy".
Their agenda is a no nonsense hanging of the corrupt, a restoration through state subsidies of industrial (for large numbers of people) jobs, paying equal wages to everybody, and stopping crime by clamping down hard on the streets.
Japan’s longtime approach to industrial policy, in which the Ministry of International Trade and Industry provided support and subsidies for selected industries, helping them to compete in world markets, is now obsolete (indeed, MITI’s role was taken over by the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry in 2001).
Unfortunately, a new, clearly defined approach to industrial policy is still missing.
In the aftermath of World War II, politicians in industrial countries found a different solution to the problem of displaced farmers: they subsidized agriculture, supported prices, and sheltered the sector from international trade.
Such rapid industrial rises are rare, but not unprecedented.
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