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Industrial in sentence

2197 examples of Industrial in a sentence

Although industrial policy is in line with May’s corporatist instincts, the UK’s policy classes have been allergic to the idea since the late 1970s.
The allergy to industrial policy is particularly acute among those who equate it with subsidies and tax breaks.
Indeed, some below-the-radar – or even accidental – industrial policies have been rather successful.
The economic case for industrial policy is compelling, so long as it is understood as a vehicle for strategy coordination, risk pooling, and the provision of public goods.
The case against not having an explicit industrial policy is also compelling.
Industrial re-deployment might also be the answer to outsourcing by European companies, so we need to build an integrated Euro-Mediterranean structure that encourages industrial, agricultural, energy, and job mobility.
Central and Eastern Europe is the example worth studying closely: in tandem with Germany, these countries developed and strengthened high-value-added industrial sectors.
The arts, fashion, and cuisine of Asia’s ancient cultures have had a strong impact on other parts of the world for centuries, but Asia went through a period of relative decline as it lagged behind the industrial revolution in the West, and this undermined its influence.
In some EU states, electricity prices for industrial customers are twice what their North American counterparts pay.
But government over-investment is also evident in numerous industrial parks and high-tech zones.
That was what happened in the major industrial countries in the 1930’s, where an acute crisis in 1931-1933, with some government recapitalization, was followed by a decade of contracting bank lending to private firms.
But America’s questionable means of satisfying its legitimate security concerns are certainly less damaging for Europe in the long run than is Chinese industrial espionage.
Since 2013, under the umbrella of its “Belt and Road Initiative,” China has been funding and implementing large infrastructure projects in countries around the world, in order to help align their interests with its own, gain a political foothold in strategic locations, and export its industrial surpluses.
However, once fulfilled, Ukrainian businesses would be able to join European manufacturing supply chains, and the government would be able to pursue a much-needed diversified industrial strategy to capitalize on its geographical proximity to the world’s biggest market.
While the previous model brought 30 years of success in terms of GDP growth, it generated considerable risks and imbalances – including environmental degradation, social inequities, excessive debt, industrial over-capacity, and a bloated state sector.
Modern industrial societies now have a wide array of social protections – unemployment compensation, adjustment assistance, and other labor-market tools, as well as health insurance and family support – that mitigate demand for cruder forms of protection.
Moreover, investment in public infrastructure and urban facilities will not create industrial “over-capacity”; instead, it will provide long-term public consumption durables that households and companies will use for years to come.
Since the 1970s, several OPEC members, led by Saudi Arabia, have worked to diversify their industrial base by promoting sectors with a comparative advantage, such as petrochemicals, and building mega-refineries to enable the export of value-added products.
But Clinton should be reminded that every free industrial zone that was built along the Israeli-Palestinian border eventually fell victim to political instability.
Forty industrial and financial leaders (most of whom manage Kremlin-affiliated firms) attended the event to gain – and give – reassurance that, together, they and the government would weather the crisis.
Many of the West’s leading financial institutions – those that have not been nationalized – as well some important industrial enterprises, will remain at the mercy of capital from China or the Gulf states.
The goal would be to ensure that developing countries can employ the kind of trade and industrial policies needed to restructure and diversify their economies and set the stage for economic growth.
In industrial affairs, Russia has grabbed stakes in Kazakhstani and Azerbaijani oil developments.
China has grown for the last few decades on the back of export-led industrialization and a weak currency, which have resulted in high corporate and household savings rates and reliance on net exports and fixed investment (infrastructure, real estate, and industrial capacity for import-competing and export sectors).
It affects every element of life on this planet – from ecosystems and food production to cities and industrial supply chains.
The world’s major economies are reaching new agreements every day to collaborate on research and development, infrastructure investment, and industrial strategy.
IMF growth forecasts released during the Davos meeting highlight the extent to which the world has become decoupled: GDP growth in the advanced industrial countries is expected to be 1.4% this year, while developing countries continue to grow at a robust 5.5% annual rate.
Employing many of the same development strategies – including export-oriented policies and a conglomerate-dominated industrial system – South Korea has been catching up with Japan for four decades.
The economics is clear: the world needs all the advanced industrial countries to commit to another big round of real stimulus spending.
China should be excused of consumer-related obligations for the time being, but assume commitments on industrial production based on the recognition that effectively reducing emissions in these sectors requires coordinated international action.
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